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Hawks, Hayek and Hubris F.A.
Hayek is one of those figures who appeals to both libertarians and
conservatives. Libertarians rally to his defense of the free market, his
love of liberty, and his opposition to totalitarianism in all its forms.
Conservatives appreciate his praise of organic, incremental change, and
his Burkean emphasis on the results of trial and error embodied in a
tradition. All of which makes it strange to see so many self-proclaimed
libertarians and conservatives ignoring some of Hayek’s central
insights when they talk about the war on terrorism and the prospective
attack on Iraq. One
of Hayek’s most important themes (common to the Austrian school as a
whole) was the futility of central planning. He set his face against
many of the intellectual trends of the 20th century in
denouncing fascism, communism, and western-style welfare statism. It was
widely believed (and still is, in some quarters) that intellectuals and
technicians equipped with knowledge (and power) could recreate society
along more rational, equitable, and just lines. Hayek
responded that central planning would inevitably result in slavery and
poverty. This is because no central agency, such as a government, can
possibly posses all the information needed to make decisions affecting
the entire economy. The reason free markets function without being
guided from above is that knowledge is dispersed among millions of
actors in any complex system like a market. This lack of knowledge would
inevitably lead government planners to pursue policies that had
unforeseen and unintended consequences. As these consequences became
apparent, there would be calls for more
intervention, the people not realizing that it was the original
intervention that caused the problems in the first place. Intervention
upon intervention would follow, until western liberal societies were
turned into mirror images of their totalitarian adversaries. In
Law,
Legislation, and For
Hayek, society can function because millions of individuals, each with a
very limited store of knowledge, are constantly making adjustments in
their behavior, responding to the signals they receive from their
environment, including the actions of others. This is the source of
society’s “spontaneous order,” not the top-down directives of
government. So,
it’s strange, to say the least, to see contemporary admirers of Hayek
advocating precisely the thing that he argued would lead to disaster.
The worst offender among the (neo) conservatives is Michael Ledeen, of
the American Enterprise Institute and frequent contributor to National
Review. Ledeen has made his name as the apostle of “exporting the
democratic revolution.” He has spelled out an ambitious agenda for the
Recently Ledeen wrote: “Now that we are set to have our great debate on the war against terrorism, it seems it will be the wrong debate. “By
all indications, the discussion will be about using our irresistible
military might against a single country in order to bring down its
leader. We should instead be talking about using all our political,
moral and military genius to support a vast democratic revolution to
liberate all the peoples of the And,
lest you think the long-suffering “Once
the terror regimes are brought down, we will be obliged to play an
active role to ensure that we do not simply replace one dictator with
another, as the CIA has so often proposed. We must remember that the
defeat of the fascists in World War II was only half the mission of that
great American generation. The other half was purging According
to Ledeen, the In
the “libertarian” camp we have Brink Lindsey, who, while more sober
than Ledeen, argues
that “there’s no invisible hand in foreign affairs.” “What
about the principle of no preventive wars? Specifically, what is the
basis for assuming that preventive wars always make matters worse? In
economic policy, there are extremely solid grounds for the principle of
no government meddling with markets. Market competition has enormous
advantages over government action in making use of and coordinating
dispersed information, in encouraging innovation, in supplying
appropriate incentive structures, etc. Accordingly, anyone arguing that
government intervention in the marketplace can improve economic
performance has an extremely difficult case to make. “Many
libertarians slide easily from noninterventionism in domestic affairs to
noninterventionism abroad, and believe that they're on equally firm
footing with both positions. But they're not, because the fact is that
there's no invisible hand in foreign affairs. There are no equilibrating
mechanisms or feedback loops in the Hobbesian jungle of predatory
dictatorships and fanatical terrorist groups that give us any assurance
that, if the United States were only to stand aside, things would go as
well for us in the world as they possibly could.” But
Lindsey is missing the point of the “Hayekean” argument against
interventionism. The point is not that we know that preventive wars
always make matters worse, it’s that we simply don’t know what the results of any given war will be. War is
always unpredictable; who could’ve foreseen with certainty that World
War I, the “war to end all wars,” would have repercussions that
brought on the even bloodier Second World War? Or that supporting the
Mujahadeen during the Soviet occupation of What
the necons and “neolibs” seem to be saying is that, while Hayek may
be right that economic central
planning is a mistake, it’s not only possible, but imperative, that we
engage in a kind of geopolitical
central planning! Government planners might not be able to know how many
shoes to produce or how much steel needs to be shipped to Lee McCracken lives in the San Francisco Bay area and works in publishing. He has also written for anti-state.com. |