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Hijacking 'Privatization' The
Associated Press recently reported
that the GOP, now in control of both the White House and Congress, is
set to pursue its agenda of, among other things, partial privatization
of Social Security. According to the AP, "Emboldened by
Republicans' election triumph, proponents of partial privatization of
Social Security are pressing for an overhaul of the retirement system as
early as next year." The
kind of plan most congressional Republicans likely have in mind is
similar to those promoted by the Cato Institute, the Heritage
Foundation, and other mainstream conservative and libertarian think
tanks. According to the
Cato plan, “Rather than paying taxes into a government-owned fund,
workers should be allowed to redirect their payroll taxes into
individually owned, invested accounts, similar to 401(k) plans and
Individual Retirement Accounts.” The thinking behind such plans is
that workers would get a better return on money in a 401(k) than on
their government “investment” and that they would have more choice
about where their money goes. While
Cato initially envisions that people will invest 2-3 percent of their
payroll taxes into capital funds, eventually this amount could be
increased “and allow workers to control the maximum feasible
amount of their retirement income.” Now, this
plan might certainly be preferable to the Ponzi scheme that currently
exists, but what is truly objectionable is calling it a plan for the
“privatization” of Social Security. Our first tip-off that something
fishy is going on is that even the language used by Cato (“workers
should be allowed,” “maximum feasible amount”)
implies that the government will still be calling the shots. As
George Orwell saw
so clearly, the corruption of language leads to the corruption of
thought. Political language, in particular, tends to be vague and
misleading, often hiding something indefensible behind bland and
comforting words, like “collateral damage” or “humanitarian
intervention.” In
modern political speech, “privatization” has come to mean something
very different from its natural meaning. “Privatization” has been
used to describe Cato-style Social Security plans, the government’s
use of prisons run by corporations, school voucher programs, and turning
the management of public schools over to for-profit companies.
Unfortunately, none of this represents privatization in its most
important sense. A
government service has been privatized only when the government ends its
coercively enforced monopoly on the provision of that service. For this
to happen, two conditions must be met: The market in that service must
be opened up to competition, and people must be able to opt out of the
service altogether. Social Security “privatization,” “private
prisons,” school voucher programs, and “for-profit” management of
schools are not examples of privatization, but simply examples of
government outsourcing and subcontracting for various services while
maintaining its monopoly. Take
the example of so-called “privatization” of failing public schools.
In some states, such as here in The
case of Social Security is similar. Even the supposedly libertarian Cato
Institute is not proposing that people be allowed to opt out of Social
Security altogether. Your tax money will still be extracted from your
paycheck; it’s just that you’ll have (slightly) more say over where
it goes. But, should you decide you’d rather spend that money on a
retirement plan not approved by the feds, or on something else
altogether, well, that’s just too bad. Your government-extracted money
can be invested in a government-approved fund, rather than going
directly into the government’s coffers. Anarchy, here we come! To
call this privatization is like saying that the U.S. Army was partially
privatized because it used Afghan civilians as proxy troops in its war
against the Taliban. This was still a government-directed operation from
start to finish, just with a significant amount of outsourcing. The
proponents of these schemes of psuedo-privatization seem to have
forgotten an essential distinction between private and public
institutions. As Murray Rothbard put it in his For
a New Liberty: “The
libertarian sees a crucial distinction between government, whether
central, state, or local, and all other institutions in society . . . .
[E]very other person or group receives its income by voluntary payment:
either by voluntary contribution or gift (such as the local community
chest or bridge club), or by voluntary purchase of its goods or
services on the market (i.e., grocery store owner, baseball player,
steel manufacturer, etc.). Only the government obtains its income
by coercion and violence—i.e., by the direct threat of confiscation or
imprisonment if payment is not forthcoming. This coerced levy is
‘taxation.’” This
distinction makes it crystal clear that any service, even if it is
ostensibly provided by a “private” firm, has not actually been
privatized as long as it is funded coercively, i.e. by taxation. This
includes all “private” prisons, “private” schools, and
“private” Social Security accounts that are funded (and directed) by
the government. What
is so sinister about the way the term privatization has been hijacked by
proponents of statist programs is that it lulls conservatives and
libertarians into thinking that they’re successfully rolling back the
state, and it sours the general public on all talk of
privatization when these government-funded and directed endeavors fail
(as they’re wont to do). In fact, privatization (much like the related
tern “deregulation”) has come to mean almost the opposite of
its intended meaning. Rather than reducing the role of the government in
providing important services, privatization seems to have become an
all-purpose justification for the government to extend its
influence into even more areas of the economy and private life. For
instance, some opponents of school vouchers justly fear that using tax
money to fund private and religious schools will only give the
government an excuse to regulate the policies and curricula of those
schools. The only way to genuinely privatize any service would be to invite competition and to make funding purely voluntary—in other words, get the government out of it, period. True privatization is not just another name for government outsourcing. A system of nominally private institutions being funded by taxation and guided by the state resembles the discredited system of fascism far more than it does the free market. The upshot of this confusion is to further blur the distinction between private and public, between the coercive state and civil society. Lee McCracken lives in the San Francisco Bay area and works in publishing. He has also written for anti-state.com. |