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Will Tax Cuts Shrink Government? In
an effort to do something—anything—about our ailing economy
(remember when recovery was supposedly just around the corner?),
President Bush has finally unveiled his “economic stimulus” plan
consisting primarily of nearly $700 billion in tax cuts. I’ll leave it
to the economists to debate whether this plan will work as advertised.
What interests me is the effect, if any, that the Bush plan will have on
the size and scope of the federal government. Writing
in the Wall Street Journal,
Milton Friedman, the grand old man of He
continues: “Under
those circumstances, how can we ever cut government down to size? I
believe there is one and only one way: the way parents control
spendthrift children, cutting their allowance. For government, that
means cutting taxes. Resulting deficits will be an effective—I would
go so far as to say, the only effective—restraint on the spending
propensities of the executive branch and the legislature. The public
reaction will make the restraint effective.” Friedman
argues that deep tax cuts will create a deficit that is too large to be
“politically tolerable” and that this will force politicians to rein
in spending to bring the deficit back down to a level the American
public can live with. Thus tax cuts can act as a check on the
government’s propensity to expand. One
interesting thing to note about Friedman’s argument is that it seems
to flatly contradict one of the usual “supply-side” justification
for tax cuts—that they will actually increase
tax revenue and help eliminate budget shortfalls. And yet later in the
piece Friedman praises the Bush tax plan as a supply-side triumph! Apart
from this, though, there are other more serious problems with
Friedman’s strategy for reducing government. First, it seems that, at
best, this plan would only prevent further
government expansion but would not actually reduce
the size of the government. Since government is constantly growing,
a tax cut would have to be enormous to do more than slow the rate of
growth. For instance, the current 2003 Federal Budget projects a deficit
of approximately $80 billion, and yet Federal spending is scheduled to
increase by nearly $100 billion over last year (source: Office of Budget
and Management). This begs the question: how large would the deficit
have to be to keep Federal spending flat, much less shrink
the budget?* Secondly, Friedman seems to underestimate the self-interest of the politicians and those who benefit from government largesse. They essentially constitute a separate class—or “court party”--who have a direct stake in maintaining their ability to live at the expense of others, rig markets in their favor, and use the power of the State to enforce their social vision. We can expect them to fight tooth and nail against any threat to their power. To do otherwise would be, from their point of view, positively irrational. As the “public choice” school of economics has pointed out, those who benefit most from the favors that the government doles out have the greatest incentive to protect their privileges. If a congressman threatens to eliminate Acme Widgets’ $3 million subsidy, Acme has a major incentive to prevent that from happening. Meanwhile, Joe Taxpayer, who’s only footing a fraction of the bill, has next to no incentive for seeking an end to it. To think that the recipients of government subsidy are going to stand by while their power and influence is liquidated seems naïve at best. Even assuming that the majority of Americans want a smaller government as Friedman claims, the majority of Americans don’t write big checks to election campaigns. And most politicians are not looking to put themselves out of a job. Can we really expect the political class and its clients to willingly participate in the erosion of their own power? There’s nothing wrong with tax cuts. Anything that allows people to keep more of their own money is a good thing in my book. But tax cuts are no substitute for the drastic rethinking about the role of government in a free society that will have to take place if we really want to shrink the State. The Declaration of Independence restricted the legitimate functions of government to securing the rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. This was a philosophical and cultural breakthrough of the first order. Unfortunately, many Americans have over time accepted that it’s also the government’s job to stimulate the economy, monitor the reading habits of potential subversives, inculcate children with the “right” social attitudes, and maintain a worldwide garrison state in the name of “benevolent global hegemony.” With all due respect to Professor Friedman, whose work I greatly admire, his perspective seems to be limited by a kind of utilitarian calculus. His major complaint seems to be that “we do not get our money’s worth for the roughly 40% of our income that is spent by government.” This may be why he sees the rollback of government as fundamentally a technical problem: how can we engineer some kind of budget constraint that will reduce the size and intrusiveness of government? But
it’s going to take something more radical than budgetary gimmicks to
restore the * Even admirers of Ronald Reagan concede that his tax cuts (and the accompanying deficits) did little more than slow the growth of the federal government and did nothing to reverse it (left-liberal hysteria to the contrary notwithstanding).
Lee McCracken lives in the San Francisco Bay area and works in publishing. He has also written for anti-state.com. |