"The
United States was the first country in the history of the
world to be consciously created out of an idea -- and the
idea was liberty." -- Nathaniel Branden
For over 40 years, psychologist Nathaniel Branden has told
us about self-esteem and the crucial role it plays in how we
experience our lives. Self-esteem is the reputation we
have with ourselves -- it is what I think of me, not what
others think of me -- and entails feelings of self-efficacy
and self-worth. According to Branden, we strengthen
our self-esteem with an unreserved commitment to mental
clarity and self-examination, which includes six fundamental
practices. He refers to these practices as the
"Six Pillars of Self-Esteem," which very briefly
are:
1. Living consciously -- facing facts, refusing to
live life in a fog.
2. Self-acceptance -- being willing to experience who
we are, even if we don't always like the experience.
3. Self-assertiveness -- the ability to stand up for
ourselves.
4. Living purposefully -- developing self-discipline
and working for goals.
5. Integrity -- acting according to our deepest
beliefs.
6. Self-responsibility -- gaining control of our lives
by recognizing we are responsible for our choices and
actions. [1]
It's this last pillar -- self-responsibility -- that plays a
major role in determining the kind of social system we live
in. If we abandon it, we become followers and
dependents, turning control of our lives over to others.
If we accept it, our biggest need is to be left free
so we can create the life we want.
While an attitude of self-responsibility comes from within
us, the social environment we live in can do a great deal to
encourage its practice or stifle it. On his website,
Branden includes a chapter from his book, Taking
Responsibility: Self-Reliance and the Accountable Life,
that discusses the incentives we can create for practicing
self-responsibility in child-raising and in society at
large. [2]
He sees the traditional values of individualism,
self-reliance, self-discipline, and hard work as arising, in
part, from our roots as a frontier society in which
everything had to be created. The sense of community
people shared was never a substitute for
self-responsibility, however. Everyone was expected to
carry their own weight, and no one was encouraged to claim
they had a right to any sort of "entitlement."
The Declaration of Independence set down the principle of
inalienable rights, which essentially banned force and fraud
from human relationships. Though never practiced
consistently, the principle of inalienable rights defined
what America stood for: "The individual as an end
in him- or herself, not a means to the ends of others, and
not the property of family or church or state or
society."
The key element of inalienable rights, Branden notes, is the
fact they are negative in character -- they are not a claim
on "anyone else's energy or production." To
Americans in early America, rights meant "hands
off." Though there were institutional injustices
-- most conspicuously slavery and legal discrimination
against women, as well as government restrictions -- the
United States was mostly free throughout the 19th century,
resulting in a flood of material production and invention.
"By closing the doors to force," Branden
writes, "capitalism threw them open to
achievement."
The harsh conditions of life during capitalism's early years
were not a failure of freedom, but a result of so little
wealth in the world. Left free, individuals applied
their ingenuity to production and raised the standard of
living "to heights that a century earlier would have
been judged fantastic."
"But there was a price," Branden concedes. Liberty
comes with no guarantees. It demands
self-responsibility. He reminds us that life itself is
a risky business, "and uncertainty is inherent in our
existence." We more readily accept these risks if
we have decent self-esteem -- if we feel confident in coping
with life's problems. When self-esteem is low,
self-responsibility can be a terrifying prospect. Instead
of freedom, we seek a guaranteed "Garden of Eden"
existence, in which our needs are met by others.
The medievalists and the socialists played to this sentiment
as each took aim at the quasi-free market in the 19th
century. While the medievalists wanted to abolish
capitalism, the socialists wanted to take it over --
"to retain the effects, material prosperity, while
eliminating the cause, political and economic freedom."
Rather than offer relief from self-responsibility,
capitalism counted on it. "It was a system geared
to self-esteem."
Branden points out that the concept of rights under
capitalism produces no "great drain on the public
treasury" to secure them. But as our society
became wealthier, people began to want things without having
to pay for them. Eventually, their desires turned into
"rights." Government was the agency that
could make this happen.
Branden refers to Peter Drucker's book, "The New
Realities," in which the author cites the research of
George J. Stigler, winner of the 1982 Nobel Prize in
Economics, who found that not one of the government's
regulations of the economy ever worked. Not one.
They either did nothing or achieved the opposite of
their intention.
To a bureaucrat, Stigler's findings spelled success. Government
programs aren't created to improve conditions, they're made
to entrench them. Success is measured by intentions,
not outcomes.
What has this brought us? Runaway crime, unfathomable
debt, and insensitivity to actual human suffering. It
has fostered widespread cynicism, antagonism between races
and groups, and a general deterioration of the quality of
life.
Our welfare system tells us we are not responsible for our
lives. Our legal system tells us we are not
responsible for our actions -- getting away with murder has
never been easier.
We are now governed by pressure groups who use the
government to grant them favors at everyone's expense. The
founders alerted us to this danger, Branden notes. "In
the Federalist Papers, No. 10, James Madison warned
of the threat represented by special-interest groups when
democracies are not limited by individual rights.
Special-interest groups prevail, he cautioned, because the
benefits they receive from the government are concentrated,
while the costs they impose on the taxpayers are
diffuse."
Branden advocates phasing out all welfare programs in
combination with other "political corrections" to
minimize stress in transition. He suggests holding
government responsible for every piece of legislation they
enact. If the legislation or agency doesn't deliver
within a specified time period, it should be abolished.
But it's hard to see how anything government abolishes
wouldn't also be replaced with one more expensive and
intrusive. The state is expert at selling an abysmal
failure as a promising undertaking in need of more funding.
He stresses that voluntary action to help those who
legitimately suffer is the only form of compassion
consistent with the respect due others -- respect for their
rights. He notes the irony and disgrace in calling
champions of coercion "compassionate" and
"progressive," while labeling those opposed to
force as "cruel" and "reactionary."
In my view, only a culture that worships sacrifice
could get away with such an injustice.
Most people have trouble thinking about a laissez faire
society, Branden admits, because there "are no famous
'authorities' to sanction it. There is no widely
esteemed group in our culture with which such an idea is
identified. It is certainly not 'conservatism.' It has
nothing to support it except -- I am convinced -- objective
reality."
He believes that a "culture of self-responsibility is
not the best chance we have to create a decent world. It
is the only chance." He notes that people
understand individualism and self-responsibility
appropriately and practice it correctly -- some of the time.
Our future depends on us doing it more consistently.
Branden's essay is an indispensable introduction to
understanding the value of self-responsibility in a free
society.
References
[1] Healthy Self-Esteem, Nathaniel Branden, Ph.D., http://www.nathanielbranden.net/ess/ess07.html
[2] A Culture of Accountability, Nathaniel Branden, Ph.D., http://www.nathanielbranden.net/ess/exc02.html