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Real Tort Reform by John Bottoms One
of those knotty problems faced by libertarian theorists is the harmful
effects on markets of "irrational" awards to the winners of
negligence lawsuits. A
recent news story in Arizona highlights the problem.
Doctors in small town Bisbee have recently refused to deliver
babies in the local hospital after their annual malpractice insurance
premiums jumped from $7000 to $36000.
The result was that Bisbee women have to be driven an
additional 35 miles to the hospital in Sierra Vista to give birth. Free
market advocates might say that the market has properly allocated
resources and it's just not efficient to offer birthing service in
Bisbee. But this is
unsatisfactory because what good are markets if they don't provide
needed services? Or they
might argue that birthing can take place at home with midwives, so
there's no need to travel to the hospital.
But this just shifts the liability problem along the
professional ladder, since the midwives are subject to the same
potential lawsuit and insurance constraints as doctors.
Some might argue that government meddling in the health care
industry has created the problem.
But issues of negligence, personal liability, insurance and
birthing care are all aspects of markets. The
problem seems to be that emotional juries, when faced with cases of
dead or damaged newborns, award tremendous sums to the bereaved
parents. Before
malpractice insurance was common, doctors lost their livelihoods over
these cases, so using good free market practices they bought
insurance. Now the juries
go after the deep-pockets insurance companies, who are forced in turn
to raise their premiums. It's
a spiraling cycle which harms both doctors and patients, and will most
likely lead to socialized medicine or "tort reform" out of
Washington, which will only serve politically favored groups. What's
a libertarian to do? Not
to fear, for the culprit is again the state.
By mandating a tax-supported system of courts, the state has
impeded the creation of competing private alternatives, thereby
skewing markets through a one-size-fits-all solution.
In a modern state-less society (or one in which the government
doesn't run civil law courts), a woman who felt wronged by medical
negligence would instruct her protection service provider to seek
redress from the doctor's insurance company.
Depending on the type of service contracted for by each party
and the policies of the two providers, the matter might be settled
through negotiation, third party arbitration or a full jury trial at a
venue acceptable to both parties. Doctors
who bought more "generous" insurance contracts, including
those which allowed jury trials, would pay higher premiums and would
therefore charge their customers more.
In selecting their doctors, patients would have to balance
price against service, knowing that part of the service is the level
of insurance carried by the doctor.
Most likely, a negligence charge against a less expensive
doctor would never go to trial. So
Bisbee women who want local birthing services will have to pay enough
to keep a local doctor or midwife gainfully employed. But
what if the patient went to the doctor's insurer personally and
demanded satisfaction? If
the company was uncooperative and threats to damage the insurer's
reputation fell on deaf ears, the patient would have little recourse,
for in a stateless society there would be no police or other higher
authority to which to appeal. That's
why responsible people would contract for personal protection.
These companies would provide many of the services commonly
thought of as governmental functions, including policing, insurance,
fire and rescue, and access to the (private) court system for both
civil and criminal matters. But
unlike today's compulsory system, customers would have a choice of
what level of service they desired and could afford. The
protection companies only keep customers if they provide real service,
so if the insurance company refuses to negotiate, and isn’t easily
intimidated, violence may result.
But in general violence isn’t profitable, so negotiation and
arbitration would soon be adopted, which is how national governments
usually settle their differences. "But
what if people refuse to contract for such services?" one might
ask. Well, people might
smoke too many cigarettes or do other irrational things, but the
modern world shows the failure of legislating good behavior. "Wouldn't
poor people, who couldn't afford such services, be preyed upon?"
Poor people would pay less and get less protection, but they
also have less property to be protected.
Instead of buying a "personal protection" package,
they might pool their resources by contracting for neighborhood
protection services. For
example, a condominium or rental contract might include a fee for
fire, police and legal protection.
As part of the decision to move in, customers would determine
if the price and level of service was acceptable. "Wouldn't
all these little protection companies be like criminal gangs, always
at war with each other, and if one of them got big wouldn't it just
become as bad as the government?"
Violence can only be profitable if the gain from war exceeds
the cost, so incentives would be for protection providers to maintain
an adequate self-defense capability, but not to attack their
well-defended competitors. Providers
who engaged in unprofitable violence would quickly go out of business.
If the Microsoft of protection providers tried to knock over
the competition one by one and morph into The State, we can expect
that the smaller providers to form alliances to raise big guy's costs
prohibitively. And if
there was the occasional war among protection professionals, it's
still preferable to our world's civil wars, which kill tens of
thousands of innocent bystanders. “But
people are just violent, irrational animals whose baser impulses are
only kept in check by constant fear of prosecution,” is the retort
of really far-gone statists. Sorry,
there’s nothing I can do for you.
Have you considered seeking professional help? The real solution to Bisbee's problem is a private, voluntary system of courts. But until then we can expect ever-worsening medical and other services, along with bigger government. February 3, 2002 John Bottoms is a consulting engineer and freedom-writer in Phoenix, Arizona. |