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War and the American Empire by John Bottoms Our
new war has illuminated a sad but I think unarguable fact that the
American empire has fully replaced the old Constitutional Republic,
and that a large majority support it.
The "freedom" that we still claim to have is an
ever-shrinking list of permissions from the state, and we are thrown
this bone only to keep us docile.
That we cheat on our taxes and grumble through security
checkpoints is no threat to them, for they know we're too cowed to
resist. We are offered
only candidates from the two imperial political parties, with the
current emperor chosen by just 20% of Americans.
The best that tireless work through the political system can do
is slow our loss of freedom. The
pro-freedom remnant out there casting pearls on the internet is,
simply put, not important enough to silence.
So let's stop all this "the Constitution says this . . .
the Constitution requires that" business, for in fact the
constitution as anything but a relic died years ago.
America's new war, like America's old wars, is about
maintaining and expanding the empire, and empires are never bound by
law. In
modern "democratic" states, wars require a moral pretext by
which the subjects are swayed to support the state with their money
and lives in its time of need. For
our current war, the 911 attacks provided an unarguable pretext:
self-defense. Propaganda used to sell previous American wars include the
impressment of American sailors (1812), saving the union (1861),
making the world safe for democracy (1917), and a day of infamy
(1941). While the crimes
were real in some cases (Pearl Harbor) and manufactured in others
(Civil War, Viet Nam), an even superficial reading of history makes
clear that empire building was at the root of each of these wars. As
Charles Adams explains in When
in the Course of Human Events, the young United States which
ratified its constitution of 1791 was a primarily agrarian
confederation, dominated by rich southern states wary of the European
model. By the 1850s the
newly industrial north was firmly set on a path of empire, for what
else could "manifest destiny" have meant to the young
country which stretched less than halfway across North America. The new empire was funded by tariffs, which protected
fledgling northern industries from stiff European competition, and
made an agricultural colony of the south.
After the southern confederacy was born in 1860 to stem the
northward flow of wealth, the US went to war to maintain its young
empire. The rest, as they
say, is history. With
North America secure, successive wars were used to acquire the dying
European empires of Spain, France and England, and finally Japan's
Asian holdings. With the
collapse of the Soviet Union, US hegemony was complete, but with much
to protect. All
of our meddling in the Middle East, from the Shah if Iran (1953), to
Saddam Hussein (1981), to support for the house of Saud and Israel, to
the Gulf War, is for the maintenance of US imperial economic interests
in the oil-rich Middle East. Our
new war is already expanding the empire as we set up permanent
military outposts in Afghanistan and Kazakhstan, with more to come.
Before long construction is likely to begin on a new Kazakh
pipeline. And now
Columbia, our tenth largest supplier of oil, has "asked" for
more US military aid to fight insurgents, as our old war on drugs
melds with our new war on terrorism. But
as the empire looks outward, it must maintain control at home.
Its tendrils go deep into all aspects of American society, for
the state, directly or through its willing puppets, dominates
government, business, media and academia. The state has no desire to control all aspects of our
institutions. It is
sufficient that they control critical content and high-level
personnel. How
does one fight such a beast? Not
through elections, for they only feed the state's fiction of
legitimacy. Americans
consistently choose the "limited government" president, but
all they get is a new emperor. FDR
campaigned on "sound money," small government and peace, but
as soon as he had power he orchestrated a socialist coup
d'état and later finagled us into WWII.
LBJ campaigned as the peace candidate against the
"warmonger" Goldwater, but immediately gave us a new Asian
war. And Bush II promised
an end to capricious use of the military, but has embarked on
Operation Enduring Warfare. Not
through secession, for Adams suggests that even possessing every
advantage but military superiority, the South was unable to free
itself from the young American empire.
Slavery cannot have led the South to secede, for with the Dred
Scott decision of 1857 they had already won that political battle.
For better or worse, by 1860 slavery was the law of the land.
Had they not provided Lincoln with a ready excuse for invasion
by firing on Charleston's Fort Sumter, the South could have petitioned
English and French support their plan for bypassing high American
taxes by making a Confederate free port at Charleston.
Today there are no powers left to side with American
secessionists. Not through armed rebellion, for the state is supremely organized for propaganda and war. The Afghan conflict shows how ineffective a small arms force is against the modern US military, and the American rebels would be isolated as racist terrorists by the state's pervasive propaganda machine. Not
through a personal "line in the sand" which federal power
may not cross, for that's nothing but suicide by cop, as several
American militia leaders and gun rights radicals learned just before
they died. Our
only hope for freedom is through an unceasing, principled barrage on
the legitimacy of the state, analogous to what Tom Paine accomplished
long ago with "Common Sense."
Our own propaganda war must expose the true nature of the
beast, and convince others that their well-being is in natural
opposition to empire. We'll
know we're winning only when they try to silence us, but by then it
may be too late. If we're
lucky, the collapse of the US empire may parallel that of the Soviets. With
their legitimacy undermined, other options become possible.
I believe it's too late to save the United States in its
present form, and a country as large and diverse as ours can only be
held together by the carrots and sticks of empire. Instead, when the time is right, secession of smaller
political entities will be possible, as wonderfully described
by Diane Alden. Until then we must continue to strike at the root of tyranny, knowing that the opposition offers only lies. January 25, 2002 John Bottoms is a consulting engineer and freedom-writer in Phoenix, Arizona. |