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The Control Imperative Exclusive to STR November 9, 2009 The
most intriguing riddle of statism, and at the same time the most important
intellectual challenge that faces every friend of liberty, can perhaps be
summarized in the following question: Why has statism indisputably taken
over the world, given that it is a position both immoral, based on
unjustifiable violence, and economically inefficient? Many
ingenious yet inadequate answers have been proposed to this question. By
way of referring to some of them, I would like to present in the following
text a possibly novel perspective, which might be able to shed at least a
dim light on some of the relevant, but as yet unexplained issues. One
of the reasonable though insufficient responses points to the role played
by the propaganda apparatus, including state-licensed media and
nationalized education system. Admittedly, the apparatus in question plays
a significant role in grounding statism in the consciousness of the public
and in neutralizing any alternatives to it, primarily by means of
distorting the concepts used in describing the surrounding socio-economic
reality--but this is just a description of the symptoms rather than an
identification of the causes of the underlying disease. Why have the great
human masses allowed a comparatively small group possessed of despotic and
parasitical mentality to put them in the state of such ideological
bondage? It would seem that more resistance could be expected of beings
endowed with reason and independent subjectivity. In other words, it could
be expected that statism and attachment to the natural order would spread
around the world in at least equal proportions. Another
rather unconvincing response draws on the alleged fact that aggression and
violence always constitute a faster, easier and more profitable path. Yes,
perhaps faster, but not necessarily less risky. Yes, perhaps easier and
more profitable, but only in the short term. An aggressor can derive
undeniable profits from his acts of aggression, but antagonizing the whole
environment will bring him indisputable losses. In other words, the
optimal environment for him is definitely not a jungle in which everybody
lies in wait for everybody else, even among the members of the same robber
band. Those who believe in the Hobbesian myth would say in reply that this
is precisely the reason for the triumph of statism--the jungle is replaced
by a chain-and-truncheon-induced order. But the more insightful know that
ceding the possibility of initiating violence into the hands of a monopoly
not only does not liquidate the jungle, but also deepens the savagery and
viciousness that prevails in it--for out of the tribe of predators emerges
a select group of arch-predators, bent on eliminating every possibility of
bottom-up defense through disarming their subjects and imposing on them
the costs of their own aggressive actions. Another thing to mention in
this connection is that smaller, “private” aggressors can continue to
prosper in the statist jungle, since their numerous presence in the
society gives the ruling aggressors a perfect pretext for imposing
successively higher tributes on their subjects (collected, needless to
say, for the purpose of “fighting crime” and “increasing
security”). So
why do we live in the statist wilderness, grown on the soil of, speaking
absolutely literally, “the worst form of government”? As we all know,
respect for property rights, free competition, diminishing time preference
and the subsequent accumulation of capital, will in the long run be
universally serviceable, helping also those of parasitical and criminal
persuasion. That is why even such individuals should not have it in their
interest to nip the abovementioned phenomena in the bud, which has
nonetheless been happening through ages, with only minute historical
intermissions. Furthermore, even the most ignorant and selfishly-oriented
groups should retain the consciousness that a minimum of honest work in
the system of freedom of action will earn them, not in the immediate, but
also not in the very distant future, a level of well-being incomparably
higher than that available as a result of erecting coercive systems of
large-scale redistribution. Finally, it is not the case that the
abovementioned groups routinely harbor ill will or an active and vicious
urge to harm others--how then shall we explain such widespread support for
statism even among essentially undepraved people? On
my private bench of the accused, next to selfish human nature, stupefying
propaganda and economic ignorance (whose guilt I consider to be only
partial and even unnecessary), I would like to seat another culprit--this
element of human nature that I would call “the control imperative.” I
would describe the control imperative as a natural tendency of most people
to approve of controlling the actions of others and a spontaneous
inclination to try to engage in such practices. What is important is that
it need not be physical control--most often it is visual, or, more
broadly, informational control. Perhaps the most common manifestations of
the phenomenon in question are nosiness and gossip. Huge multitudes of
people are eager to poke their noses into the lives of others--both those
of their most immediate neighbors as well as those of the so-called
“celebrities” and icons of mass culture. What is typical of the
individuals who succumb to the control imperative is that they are
progressively less concerned with themselves and their own desires, but
progressively more concerned with the desires of others, as well as the
means of their satisfaction that they have at their disposal.
Consequently, we should not associate the described phenomenon with the
aforementioned egoism, since a paradigmatic egoist does not care about the
lives of others and finds no interest in them, thus not needing to exhibit
any sort of regulatory urge. As
was correctly pointed out by Ludwig von Mises in The Anti-Capitalistic
Mentality, the fundamental source of what I termed the control
imperative is envy and malice, oftentimes coupled with a hypocritical
rationalization, according to which the superior position enjoyed by some
must necessarily result from an act of fraudulent appropriation of what
(for rather unspecified reasons) is taken to belong rightfully to others.
The strength of the above-mentioned rationalization is often so great that
the rationalizers indeed begin to believe that a higher standard of living
available to certain groups is not a well-deserved reward for their
diligence and resourcefulness, or even a gift of propitious fate, but an
unjustly acquired privilege, which should be accessible to all. The
appetite grows while eating, especially if it is others who are eating,
whereas we are just licking our lips behind the restaurant window. And
yet, nonetheless, even the most convoluted and two-faced rationalization
is usually incapable of putting to rest the overwhelming feeling that the
forcible expropriation of the “privileged” is to be considered an
extremely wicked and undignified deed, or at least an action that is
likely to bring severe ostracism upon the expropriator and hence should be
thought of as prudentially inadvisable. That
is why the easiest way to transform purely visual or informational control
into physical control is to cede the task of creating the latter onto
external forces, especially those working at the behest of an impersonal
and de facto ownerless entity. No other institutions are better suited for
such a cession than the institutions of representative democracy--their
character allows an envious and greedy individual to merge his own envy
and greed with that exhibited by millions of others, and then use it as
the material to forge a redistributionist system by the hands of those who
can no longer be called robbers hired by Mr. Lazybones to loot the
resources of Mr. Diligent, but should be called the executors of the
common will instead. As soon as this happens, all potential pangs of
conscience and fears of ostracism disappear--acts of plunder and predation
(henceforth known as acts of rectification) are no longer committed by any
particular, individual person, but only by a vast, collective immaterial
entity, whose corporeal representatives are to be regarded as tools of
historical justice. The whole process is complemented by far-reaching
ritualization of the actions of the abovementioned entity, as well as by
the attendant series of semantic distortions, which make unequivocal
identification of aggression, violence, coercion, theft and enslavement
(let alone successful elimination of these phenomena) incomparably more
difficult than it was before. At
this point we should ask ourselves the question: What is the source of the
aforementioned envy, malice and willingness to compare oneself with
others, associated with the desire to lay one’s hands on another’s
property? That, of course, is a huge and hard question. Perhaps some part
of the answer may lie in connection with evolutionary reasons--noticing
that others enjoy a higher standard of living, and consequently higher
chances of passing their genes into the future, creates in many a natural
eagerness to gain similar opportunities in the most convenient manner,
even if that means forcible extraction. It is also possible that the
territorial instinct has some significance in this context, suggesting
that the better-equipped “territory” of one’s neighbor is a
potential threat to one’s own habitat, which, being much poorer, would
inevitably get absorbed in the event of a confrontation. Or perhaps we
should seek the reason in our unique status of beings endowed with free
will, ambition and self-love? Such an explanation seems to be suggested by
the story of original sin: Let us remember that Eve plucked the forbidden
fruit in order to indulge her informational possessiveness, unable to bear
the thought that the Lord knows something that she and her husband are
ignorant of. Thus, the control imperative appears to be the oldest and the
most dangerous vice of humankind. In
the concluding paragraphs of this article, it is worthwhile to think of
what might lead to the universal disappearance of this vice, since there
seems to be no question that its decay on an individual or even group
level is not unheard of. After all, we become friends of liberty and
members of pro-liberty groups precisely as a result of combating the said
weakness. One optimistic answer could be: The solution is education,
reliable and uncontaminated with statist indoctrination; the kind of
education that is becoming more and more available thanks to the Internet,
a boundless area of informational freedom, so far untouched by the specter
of accreditation and censorship. However, even though I am most hopeful
about the growing and intellectually salutary influence of the global web,
I do not believe that education is able to eliminate on a mass scale what
is probably hard-wired into human nature. Not all of us are born with the
potential to understand certain matters, and I am afraid that it is one of
these things that ultimately cannot be changed. On
the other hand, I think that what shall eventually bring the doom of the
control imperative will be the further development of defense technology.
We already have at our disposal both technologies of mass destruction
(nuclear weapons) as well as some means of protection against total
destruction (anti-ballistic missiles, nuclear shelters). What we still
lack, however, is efficient methods of individual, personal defense. The
disastrous rule “nec Hercules contra plures” still makes it the case
that a peacefully inclined individual cannot effectively withstand the
depredations of the statist apparatus of coercion. But let us imagine,
drawing for a moment on the most clichéd science fiction scenarios, that
some ingenious inventors come up with a prototype of a personal protective
field generator, field impenetrable by any forces known to science (think
of the monolith from “2001: A Space Odyssey” or of the experiments
conducted by Nikola Tesla). Though fictional today, this is not a
logically impossible scenario. The dissemination of such an invention
would lead to the ultimate dissolution of the practicability of
violence-based solutions, just as the dissemination of the Internet
rendered any censorial attempts directed against the free flow of
information unfeasible. The only alternatives would then be: barricading
oneself in one’s indestructible shell and returning to coarse
self-sufficiency or engaging in voluntary and contractual cooperation,
based on the division of labor, free competition and unbridled
entrepreneurship. The precise shape that the adherents of the latter
alternative would give to the abovementioned system of voluntary
collaboration remains an open question--however, the crucial change would
be that the control imperative would perhaps not be completely eliminated
from human nature, but it would become generally powerless, and it would
henceforth be a vain effort to try to uphold the practices based on it. A pessimistic addendum to the above scenario could read: Global voluntarism would last only as long as one revolutionary invention were not followed by another, nullifying the benefits brought by its predecessor. As above--such a development of events is not logically impossible. But even bearing in mind various dark forecasts we should not forget that the ultimate tone of the speculations contained herein is positive, for their final conclusion states: Logic does not protest against, while historical experience is sympathetic to the thesis that the fruits of human reason are oftentimes able to rein in the fruits of human vice. And with this positive conclusion I would like to leave all the friends of liberty. Jakub
Bozydar Wisniewski is a philosophy graduate from the Universities of
Cambridge and Glasgow, currently
working on a PhD, tentatively focused on the theory of public goods
according to the Austrian School of Economics, at Queen Mary, University
of London. He has published in, among others, The Libertarian Papers,
The Quarterly Journal of Austrian Economics, and LewRockwell.com.
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