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Dear Mr. Mamet... Exclusive to STR To:
David Mamet Playwright,
Screenwriter,
Filmmaker From:
Robert Kaercher Chicago
, Part-Time
Writer, Part-Time Actor, Full-Time Working Schmo Dear
Mr. Mamet: You
don’t know me, and you probably never will. Back when I was a younger
man and a theater student, many of your plays were part and parcel of my
education in the dramatic arts. Your Pulitzer Prize-winning Glengarry
Glenn Ross, as well as American
Buffalo, Edmond,
Lakeboat
. . . I probably saw more
scenes from your plays hashed out in my acting and directing classes than
your average theatergoer has seen in a lifetime.
But
I digress. The
occasion for my writing this little epistle is that I only recently came
across your essay, “Why
I Am No Longer A ‘Brain-Dead Liberal’”, published by The Village Voice on
March 11th. The headline captivated me immediately, as that
title somewhat describes a shift in my own political ideology that I made
several years ago. Following the momentous events of 9/11/01, hungry for
some answers, I finally poked my head out of my own little world and came
to the realization that we are beset on all sides by political parties who
are in the process of expropriating many aspects of our lives—not just
here in our own country but around the globe—to satisfy their boundless
lust for power. I had come to understand that those neoliberal
Democrats, contrary to the belief of many of their disciples, are not so
much the defenders of the powerless as they are the intellectual court
apologists for the statist system that keeps the powerless in a
permanently subordinate position for most of their lives. But
again, I digress. As
I was saying, your essay, e-mailed to me by a good friend, immediately
intrigued me by way of its title. I could even appreciate the reference to
the economist John
Maynard Keynes in the opening paragraphs, though I feel compelled to
point out that Keynes was “twitted” for a lot more than merely
“changing his mind.” His entire economic system was completely
discredited by the crisis of inflationary recession, or “stagflation”,
in the 1970s, which was brought on by decades of the very policies he
recommended. But by then he had met his “long
run” and had been spared the bitter fruits of his own misguided
economic philosophy. But
enough idle chit-chat. Upon
reading your essay, I felt a genuine twinge of excitement to discover that
you, like me, also had come to affirm the virtues of the free market. As
you wrote, “[A] free-market understanding of the world meshes more
perfectly with [your] experience than that idealistic vision [you] called
liberalism.” And to that, all I can do is tip my hat. I
have to say, however, that my initial enthusiasm for your conversion was
ultimately tempered by confusion. Please
allow me to elaborate. Here
is what you described as your previously “brain-dead liberal” view: “As
a child of the '60s, I accepted as an article of faith that government is
corrupt, that business is exploitative, and that people are generally good
at heart . . . . This is, to me, the synthesis of this worldview with
which I now found myself disenchanted: that everything is always wrong.” After
changing your mind and adopting the “free market” view that you
describe as holding that “people are each out to make a living, and the
best way for government to facilitate that is to stay out of the way,”
you say you reached this conclusion: “But
in my life, a brief review revealed, everything was not always wrong, and
neither was nor is always wrong in the community in which I live, or in my
country. Further, it was not always wrong in previous communities in which
I lived, and among the various and mobile classes of which I was at
various times a part.” Well,
no, things are not always wrong
in our country. There is much peaceful, voluntary exchange and cooperation
between people in pursuit of their own ends, such as you perhaps observe
in your local community. To the extent that this nearly anarchistic,
fruitful spontaneous order goes on each and every day is most definitely
what is right about this
country. But coming from an artist who has previously had much to say
about the human condition and now embraces the idea of a free market, I
find it rather odd that upon your switch you, a dramatist, feel compelled
to declare that everything is “not always wrong.” There
is something you should probably be aware of: WE DO NOT HAVE A You
see, you should really give your formerly liberal “brain-dead” self
more credit: Government often is
corrupt,
and in our very unfree state-capitalist system, many businesses are exploitative,
specifically Big Business,
which has always maintained a cozy and privileged
relationship with the state, and yes, people are
generally good at heart in their daily dealings with one another, but
they’re having a hell of a time staying good and doing the right things
when those with a lust for power are stomping the boot of the
corporate-state complex on their faces. I
daresay that it is not immediately apparent that you grasp this. In
your essay, you praise that quaint piece of parchment the United
States Constitution, which very few government officials have ever
taken seriously. Yes, the separation of powers and the strict limitations
on government would be quite nice, sir, except for one little chink in
that scheme: The “swine”—that is, the politically powerful—can
just simply ignore
it, even as they sing
its praises. That’s the thing about a so-called “social
contract”, even if we stretch our imaginations far enough to grant
it any legitimacy: those with the monopoly power to enforce it will always
have the upper hand and nothing can stop them from exploiting that power
for their own ends at the expense of others not so privileged. You’re
right, “greed, envy, sloth, and their pals are giving the world a good
run for its money” these days, but those qualities so common to the
parasitic ruling elite can never be reigned in by any government’s
“compact” with its subjects. Contrary to the constraints you believe
the Constitution is able to place on government, the chief executive does
“work to be king,”
the Congress is
“sell[ing] off the silverware,” and the judiciary
is behaving like “Olympian”
gods. But
I should say the following is what confused me the most. You
ask yourself, in your piece, how then can people work out their
interpersonal affairs without government intervention? This is a very good
and complex question, and one that some learned scholars have grappled
with extensively, scholars who have dedicated their lives to reasoning
out how a society without any government at all would function. Your own
answer to your question is quite a simple one, but it is one that quite
misses the mark. For
your answer is that “we just seem to.” How do “we just seem to”?
By reaching “a solution acceptable to the community—a solution the
community can live with.” With
all due respect, sir, if you are truly interested in promoting the ideas
of free markets—which I hope you are, considering that we do not have
free markets in this country at present and not many high profile scribes
such as yourself to defend the free market ideal—you’ll need something
a bit sturdier on which to hang your free market hat than “a solution
the community can live with.” Consider:
What if the community decides that the “acceptable” solution is a very
large, cumbersome, costly bureaucratic monopoly that regulates and polices
all economic transactions? What protest could you offer to this very
palpable threat to the free market you claim to uphold? I submit that you
could not protest at all, for to do so would be to abrogate your own
principle of finding “a solution the community can live with.” If they
can “live with” a totalitarian regime, who are you to say otherwise
based on the standard you yourself profess? I
see in your essay that you have been reading Thomas
Sowell and the late Milton
Friedman. These gentlemen have had a lot of good things to say, but I
would suggest that you acquaint yourself with the writings of the late Murray
Rothbard, perhaps the most consistently free market of all free market
intellectuals. His counsel to those who desired laissez-faire was that
they develop a “passion for
justice.” A
passion for justice. Now, if
your community is willing to recognize
the objective principles of justice, I should say you then have in
place a considerable amount of the ethical foundation necessary for the
free market to flourish in said community. If, however, your community
does not find justice “acceptable,” or if they decide justice is
something they cannot “live with,” then it may be time to “vote with
your feet,” as they say, before you find that your freedom has been
completely usurped. This may strike you as hyperbole, but history has
shown on many occasions that the road
to hell is paved with the margin
between objective principles of justice and that which is “acceptable”
to the community. But
I believe I know why I find so much of your essay somewhat confusing. In
it, you say you began contemplating such matters while composing your
latest play, November,
which you say is about a fictional You
appear to have conflated being pro-free market with being
“conservative.” Now it’s true that there are many free market types
who have a kind of “conservative” streak running through them in that
they are social traditionalists to some degree or other, but it doesn’t
necessarily follow that all self-described conservatives support the free
market. Oh, sure, their rhetoric will strike many of the right
laissez-faire chords, but when you go looking for the proof, you often
find that the pudding is lacking all the necessary ingredients. Just look
at the record of the current U.S. president, himself a self-described
conservative who has enjoyed the support of many other conservatives: Bigger
government, more socialized
medicine, and now a massive
takeover of virtually the entire financial services sector by the
government-chartered central
bank, the Federal Reserve System. There
is nothing “free market” about such policies. And
wars, Mr. Mamet. This conservative president has given us wars. At least one of
which was instigated
for no good reason, now
costing us trillions,
not to mention the immeasurable, unquantifiable costs in loss
of human life. Contrary to the view of some
who purport to favor the free market, there is absolutely nothing “free
market” about war at all. Nor has any government’s
war ever comported with those principles of justice I had raised
earlier. So
rather than simply shrugging your shoulders and merely stating that
government and corporations can’t be perfect because, after all, nobody’s perfect, and merely resigning yourself to them as
“different signposts for the particular amalgamation of our country into
separate working groups,” concluding that as far as you’re concerned,
things are “unfolding pretty well,” perhaps you will be able to find
it in yourself to write something of this very real and, it seems to me,
fairly obvious lack of liberty. After
all, as an artist with a newfound zeal for free markets, you are first and
foremost concerned with liberty and freedom, aren’t you? I would hope
so. You can’t have markets that are “free” if individuals
are not. I implore you to think long and hard about that, if you have
not already. Frankly, it’s not immediately clear that you have. Well,
this little missive of mine has gone on much longer than I anticipated.
Such verbosity is often my weakness. But please understand that I write
this as someone who has previously admired your work, and is somewhat
concerned with this tendency of yours to confuse “free markets” with
the status quo and conclude that everything’s working out okay. Things
most definitely are not “unfolding
pretty well.” Rather than writing a banal drawing room comedy set in
the White House involving a corrupt president and his walking stereotype
of a utopian socialist speechwriter coming to a “human understanding of
the political process” while doing battle with some noxious “turkey
lobby,” you should be writing something along the lines of a Thomas
Paine or a Lord
Acton. You should seek to be the American theater’s equivalent of a
modern day Benjamin Tucker,
with a fire in your belly and a passion for proclaiming the truth. For
justice. Think
about it this way: What plays would Shakespeare have written if he had
adopted the view in his own time that things were “unfolding
pretty well”? Do you honestly think we would still remember him as
we do, nearly four centuries after his death? In
this day and age, the non-existent free market needs all the friends it
can get. It’s important that we try our utmost to get the ideas right if
we ever want to see them become a reality.
Regards, Robert Kaercher Robert Kaercher is a stage actor and freelance writer residing in Chicago, Illinois. He has been known to bless the reading public with his opinions and analysis at Strike The Root's blog and his own Postmodern Tribune. |