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Reason, Passion and Salvation Exclusive to STR September 6, 2007 For
the audio version of this article, please click here. When
I was younger, and optimistic to the point of being naïve, I had an
economics professor – let’s call him Dr. Destructo – who
repeatedly made the following argument: “War
is good for the economy, because it reduces unemployment, and raises the
demand for goods, capital and services. Government demands for gear, men
and munitions stimulates production. Men are sent overseas, which
creates job vacancies at home. More employment means more income, which
in turn creates demand for additional production.” I
clearly remember asking him if the elimination of unemployment and so on
was a desirable end, and I remember him staring at me as if I were
slightly stupid, and saying: “Of course, because it adds to the net
wealth of society! And this demand keeps increasing, because in war,
goods get continually damaged and destroyed!” One
student, who was much better read than I was, brought up Hazlitt’s
arguments about the fallacy of the broken
window, which is that a broken window will provide work to the
glazier, but only at the expense of everyone else, and to the detriment
of the economy as a whole. Dr.
Destructo went into a long and convoluted argument as to why this was
not the case. No one could follow it, but no one asked any questions,
because in those days we were mightily pressed to sell our common sense
for good grades. As
I said, in those days I was optimistic to the point of being naïve, and
had faith that our teachers truly believed what they preached. After the
class, I was walking through the parking lot when I saw a nice Porsche
with the vanity plate “Destructo.” Humming to myself, I thought
about what the good professor had said, pulled out my keys, and
scratched his car up and down both sides. Just
as I was finishing, I heard an enraged scream. Dr. Destructo came
sprinting up, demanding to know just what the hell
I was doing. I
blinked. “Well, I’m increasing employment, of course! Why?” “You
little punk!” he snarled at me. “You’re going to pay for this!” “What?
But – why would that be necessary?” “Why?
Because you’ve just scratched up my car!” “No
– this can be paid for by the increase in the net wealth of society
– remember, you said that reducing unemployment was a good thing, and
that destroying stuff adds to the wealth of society – which is
desirable. So I’m a little confused . . . .” “Well,
damn it, I’m not going to pay for this. We’re going to march
straight to the Dean’s office and call your parents, you little
vandal!” There
followed quite an altercation between Dr. Destructo, my parents and
myself – which in hindsight could be termed my real
education. My parents were not as sympathetic to my perspective as I’d
hoped they might be. When I explained my reasoning, my dad retorted:
“Everyone knows that professors talk a lot of trash!” I asked him
why I should go to university then, but he accused me of changing the
subject. I
did end up having to pay for the repairs, and received a fairly poor
mark in Professor Destructo’s class. I did, however, learn a very
valuable lesson, which is that there can be a cavernous gap between what
people preach and what they practice. Why
did this professor teach that the destruction of goods was beneficial,
but then rail against me when I destroyed his goods? Why did he intellectually believe that war was good for
the economy as a whole, but then emotionally he recognized the truth?
Why did he scornfully dismiss the fallacy of the broken window, but
instinctually grasp that fallacy when he saw me keying his Porsche? Even
more importantly, when he reacted emotionally in an economically sound
manner, why did that not cause him to doubt any of his intellectual
ideas? I
wanted to know how widespread this rank hypocrisy was. The next
semester, I had a sociology professor who preached that the strong must
be taxed in order to support the weak – that the able must be forced
to serve the less able. I found all this rather hard to swallow, because
it bothered me on so many levels, but did my best to understand it.
Sadly, my best was not good enough, and I was getting a steady stream of
D’s in her class. After pondering her instructions for many days, I
finally realized – in a burst of illumination – exactly what she had
been talking about. I asked her to point out her best student, so I
could get some help improving my marks. She pointed out a girl named
Sue. Right
after class, I caught up with Sue in the parking lot, and said that I
would beat her up if she didn’t do my homework for me. What
a mess! Tears, protestations, marches to the Dean’s office, threatened
suspension and charges of bullying all ensued. I did my best to stand my
ground, but it did no good. I told them that I was merely forcing the
more able to help out the less able – as I put it, a form of
“Marks-ism” – just as I had been taught! I couldn’t for the life
of me understand why everyone was so angry. “You’re like a
politician who tells me that it’s good to pay my taxes, but when I
actually pay my taxes, you
throw me in jail!” This
happened many, many times throughout my academic career. I had a history
professor who told me that history is completely subjective – then
gave me bad marks for getting historical dates “wrong” on my final
exam. I told him that if history is completely subjective, then those
dates cannot be “wrong,” because they are “right” for me. “In
fact,” I said, “I decided not to study because
you told us that history was completely subjective, so studying made no
sense. When you asked for dates on the exam, I thought it was a sort of
test – and that if I put down ‘objective’ dates, I would fail!” Again,
this escalated to the Dean’s office, where little understanding –
and less sympathy – awaited me. My
psychology professor kept telling us that morality was subjective, that
there were no absolute standards of right or wrong, and that imposing
our own values on others was bad. That was a great relief to me, since
it is far easier to buy a term paper than it is to write one. After I
handed in my paper, however, my professor dragged me to the Dean’s
office and accused me of plagiarism. “But,” I protested, “you told
me that ethics was subjective, and that it is wrong to impose my beliefs
on other people. I don’t believe in plagiarism, but you do – what
gives you the right, by your own theory, to impose your
beliefs on me?” The
Dean and the professor both looked at me with a mix of scorn and pity. I
can imagine the same look coming from the manager of a corrupt casino,
who sees a man keep coming back and losing his money, not realizing that
the game is rigged. Every
time I tried to put into practice what my professors taught me, I was
violently punished. It took me a long time to figure out what was going
on – I did not have the cynicism back then to ascribe it merely to a
corrupt form of fraud – but eventually I think I came up with
something useful. The
most fundamental barrier to the spread of libertarian ideas is this
terrifying gap between theory and practice. “Theory” describes a
vague, almost Platonic realm, while “practice” describes merely
pragmatic actions in the present. For
instance, I am often asked how a stateless society could conceivably
work, and if there are any examples of such a society existing at any
time. In response, I ask: “Do you use violence to achieve your goals?
How many times a year do you use the state court system? Did your wife
marry you voluntarily, or did you kidnap her and lock her in your
basement? Did you get your current job by going for an interview and
winning the position voluntarily, or did you kidnap your employer’s
children and hold them hostage?” I
have never met anyone who regularly uses violence to achieve his ends
(I’m not saying that such people don’t exist, but they tend not to
move in debating circles). I have also never met anyone who regularly
uses the state court system – though I have met many people who hate
the courts for their injustice and inefficiency. This
is very strange, when you think about it. People who don’t
use violence to get what they want say that not
using violence to get what you want is impossible. People who would
never pick up a gun and force their neighbours to pay for their
children’s education enthusiastically support the public school
system. People who would never shoot a foreigner just because some
gray-haired guy told them to are rabid supporters of military
imperialism. I
have written a book called “On
Truth: The Tyranny of Illusion” detailing just how this cavernous
disconnect between theory and practice arises – but I will sum up one
or two additional points here. The
most important lesson my experiences in university taught me is that no
one has a clue about ethics. What people really do is repeat the
nonsense that they have been told in order to get the things that they
want. Professors spout the most irrational nonsense about subjectivity
and relativism and argue that destruction equals wealth because
if they do, they get to be professors. Court toadies praise the king
not because the king is praiseworthy, but because if they do, they get
to be court toadies. Rappers have a “posse” due to their wealth, not
their virtue. However,
it is fundamentally humiliating to lie about virtue for a living.
Misleading the young about morality is a particularly sickening way to
earn one’s daily bread. When
people do bad things – and what can be worse than teaching the young
that evil is virtue? – they have only two choices. They can either
stop doing bad things, or they can redefine those bad things as good
things. There
are no prizes for guessing which is the more prevalent solution. The
immoral pragmatism involved in making a living by corrupting the young
is so ghastly that it can only be sustained by completely separating
theory from practice. When you want to keep doing bad things, you must
separate your self-justifying theories from your empirical actions,
otherwise your guilt and self-hatred will arise and compel you to change
your behaviour. You must numb your conscience by repeating over and over
that morality has nothing to do with practicality – but only because
the practicality that you have chosen is completely immoral. Of
course, when you come across someone who joins theory and practice
together – as I did when keying my professor’s car – this
threatens the split that you have set up between theory and practice,
between ethics and action. The rage that you feel is really hostility
towards your own corruption, not for my action. You want to punish me
because my actions make you feel bad. Since I make you feel bad,
punishing me becomes a twisted form of self-defense. Since you are not living
up to any kind of decent values, when your real values are put into
practice, you realize how corrupt you are, which causes you to lash out. Recognizing
and understanding this psychological mechanism is, I submit, essential
to libertarians. The greatest barrier we face is not the state, or
taxation, or imperialism, but rather moral hypocrisy. People are well paid to do bad things – it is
always emotionally volatile to confront people on their corruption, but
it is a habit that we must cultivate within ourselves. We know that we
are right, that our arguments against violence and statism are both
valid and moral – but the arguments themselves will never change the
world. It
is our passionate commitment
to those arguments, and the strength we must find in ourselves to
confront people on their hypocrisies – and to live our values
ourselves – that will save the world. Reason is the engine, but passion is the fuel. The truth must be defined logically; the world must be saved passionately. Stefan Molyneux, MA is the host of Freedomain Radio, one of the most popular philosophical podcasts in the world. He is also the author of the philosophical book On Truth: The Tyranny of Illusion, as well as the historical novel Revolutions. |