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The Strategic Estimate: First Step on the Path to Freedom Exclusive to STR December 5, 2006 By
January 1, 2025 , every American who is determined to live free shall do
so. Those who are content with their chains are welcome to keep them, but
we who must be free will have our own centerless legal system and free
institutions that are not subject to the State. For
20 years I was a libertarian and market anarchist, but not an activist.
I had some small involvement in electoral politics in the early
years, but it was hard to rouse much enthusiasm for spending a tremendous
amount of time and effort to inch 1% closer to electing a libertarian to
office, who would then have at best a miniscule possibility of affecting
some incremental change that might slightly delay the government's
ambition of becoming a full-blown police state.
I knew what I wanted: a truly free society, with no privileged
group of people (a.k.a. "The Government") set above the rest of
us and exempted from the rules of civilized conduct.
I just didn't see anything I could do towards achieving that goal
that had any reasonable chance of making a worthwhile difference . . . .
. . until I ran across the extensive and detailed literature on nonviolent
struggle. Over the last 25
years an impressive parade of dictators and authoritarians have been
forced to relinquish power via this technique.
I could finally see, in outline, a way to actually achieve that
free society. It was time
to act. I
suspect that there are many, many others like me, who have searched for
years for some way to make an effective contribution to the cause
of human liberty. If you're
one of them, this is your chance.
This coming March (2007), at Beyond
Ballots or Bullets, freedom seekers from across America will be
meeting to work out a plan for achieving a free society.
You're invited to attend, but even if you can't, you can help make
it a success. As I mentioned
in my previous
article, we need solid information to guide our strategic
planning. I need your help
in collecting that information. Let's
talk about how we'll use the information, and then what specific
information we need. (Much of
the remainder of this article is adapted from material in Waging
Nonviolent Struggle and Nonviolent
Struggle -- 50 Crucial Points.) Terminology First
we need to establish some vocabulary. The
non-violent struggle group (NVSG) is the organized resistance that
has chosen nonviolent means of achieving its objectives.
In other words, it is us. The
broad grievance group (BGG) is that segment of the populace whose
grievances are issues in the conflict and are being championed by the NVSG.
In our case, this could be anyone who feels that Americans have
lost significant freedoms. The
opponent group is the organization against which the NVSG is
struggling. In our case, this
would be the Federal, state, and local governments. Sanctions
are punishments meted out by either side to discourage undesired behavior.
The State's sanctions are the penalties for disobeying its
so-called laws, as well as more immediate, on-the-spot violence used in
suppressing open resistance. Boycotts
are an example of nonviolent sanctions the NVSG may use. Levels
of Strategy In
Waging
Nonviolent Struggle, Robert Helvey and Gene Sharp describe four
levels of strategy: grand strategy, strategy, tactics, and methods. Grand
strategy is the
master concept of the struggle. It
answers the question, "How are we going to win this struggle?"
It specifies how to divide the struggle into a progression of
phases/campaigns, and provides a framework for developing strategies for
the individual campaigns. It
ensures that the limited resources of the NVSG are most effectively used.
Without a grand strategy, the NVSG may easily dissipate its energy
and resources pursuing ineffective action. The
grand strategy considers which of the methods
of nonviolent action are appropriate.
Shall the resistance apply pressure through economic losses?
(This was an effective weapon throughout the first half of the
American Revolution.) How
about undermining the opponent's legitimacy?
For example, we may want to take every opportunity to highlight the
essentially lawless nature of the State.
What kinds of actions can weaken or remove the most important
sources of power of the opponent? The
grand strategy also considers what nonviolent actions to use that are not
strictly struggle, such as fact-finding, publicity, education, etc. Strategy
is the planning for a single campaign for specific objectives.
It fills in the details of the grand strategy for a specific phase
of the struggle. It includes
allocation of tasks and resources to particular groups; creating a
favorable situation for the planned offensives; decision of when to kick
off the campaign; and a general plan for using more limited engagements
(see tactics below) to achieve the objectives of the campaign.
For example, the first phase of a struggle might focus on building
up the strength of the NVSG before engaging in any significant level of
conflict. The strategy for
this first phase would then be a plan for how to increase the number of
activists, train them in nonviolent action, develop strategic skills in
the leadership, build up the material resources available to the NVSG, and
publicize their cause. Similarly
to the grand strategy, the campaign strategy keeps the NVSG focused on
action that is effective in securing the campaign objectives. Tactics
are limited plans of action, focused on a specific encounter with the
opponents, aimed at achieving some limited objective in furtherance of the
wider campaign strategy. It
includes the particular nonviolent method to be used, any supporting
methods, time and place of the action, publicity, how to encourage
participation, and support for those who may suffer as a result of their
participation. Good
tactical planning is especially important when carrying out acts of civil
disobedience. The strategic
purpose of civil disobedience is to confront the opponent with a dilemma:
either the opponent ignores the disobedience, thereby encouraging more
disobedience and weakening its control; or the opponent responds with
violent repression, thereby revealing its hidden brutality, creating
sympathy for the resisters, and weakening its own base of support.
But none of this happens unless both the act of civil disobedience
and the opponent's response are widely publicized. Finally,
methods are the individual forms of nonviolent action used.
They fall into three broad categories: a.
Protest and persuasion. This category includes vigils, parades,
petitions, picketing, mock awards, and so on. b.
Noncooperation. This category includes social boycotts, economic
boycotts, civil disobedience, withdrawing from government schools, and so
on. c.
Nonviolent intervention. This category includes hunger strikes,
sit-ins, nonviolent obstruction, creation or strengthening of alternative
institutions, and parallel government. The
goal for Beyond
Ballots or Bullets is to produce a first cut at both the grand
strategy and the strategy for the initial campaign. The
Strategic Estimate The
Strategic Estimate is a concept borrowed from military planning,
and first applied to nonviolent struggle by retired U.S. Army colonel
Robert Helvey. We can't expect
to simply pull effective strategies -- at any of the four levels -- out of
our heads. We need solid data
to guide us in forming our strategies.
We need to understand the strengths and weaknesses of our
opponents, as well as our own strengths and weaknesses.
We need to identify our opponents' sources of power and pillars of
support, so that we may undermine these; we must also identify potential
sources of power and pillars of support for our own movement, so that we
may develop these. This is the
purpose of the Strategic Estimate: to gather the information we need to
formulate effective strategies for our struggle. The
questions addressed in the Strategic Estimate are organized as follows: A.
Issues and Objectives of the Contending Groups; B.
The Opponent Group; C.
Nonviolent Struggle Group and Broad Grievance Group; D.
Third Parties; E.
Dependency Balances; F.
General Conflict Situation. At
the end of this article is a link to the list of questions to be answered
in the Strategic Estimate. These
are adapted from the questions listed in Waging
Nonviolent Struggle (which
I found to need sharpening and specialization to our particular struggle).
Each answer should be accompanied by a reference to its source or
supporting evidence; unsupported opinions are useless. There
are a lot of questions here, and many of them don't have one-line answers.
It's far too much work for one person to do. This
is where your help is needed. If
you've been looking for some effective action you can take to advance the
cause of liberty, here it is. Help
me prepare this Strategic Estimate by March 1 so that we can use it at Beyond
Ballots or Bullets. Choose
a question that interests you, that you know something about, or whose
answer you know where to find; research it; then either email
your findings to me, or (preferably) post them to the Root
Strikers' Columns forum under the topic for this article. Here
are the questions for the Strategic
Estimate. The path to freedom will be a long but rewarding journey. Let's take the first step together. Kevin S. Van Horn, Ph.D., is a computer scientist living in Orem, Utah. At age 11 he became a proto-libertarian when he first began studying and thinking seriously about issues of government. He has been a market anarchist for about two decades now. |