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I Was Not Born to Submit . . . Not Even to Freedom by Richard Rieben Exclusive to STR Historically,
all movements which impact the design of society act to make the optional
participation of free individuals less tenable, merely by the fact that a
group has become powerful enough to impact the design of society, thence
comprising a force which is disruptive and intrusive into the affairs of
private individuals, including an impact upon the parameters of the
context in which they are accustomed to living. It is not change, per se,
which is objectionable, but forced change, intrusive change; moreover, a
change which binds them to the social group to a greater degree than
previously required, including mandates of a "common cause," for
which private individuals have no natural affinity. As
long as they can preserve the substance of their context, most private
individuals will do little to counteract forced sociopolitical changes.
They will adjust, adapt and go on with their lives. And they will rarely
join in an underground or other resistance group. The rationale is not
that they support tyranny, as that they disassociate, qua individuals,
from any group. They are private individuals, flexibly playing the system,
howsoever that may be composed; yet not particularly identifying with it.
As long as they retain their independence, by not becoming involved in the
group actions, then there is a strong feeling of retaining their
integrity. Often,
they will participate in specific actions or give their support to
specific factions, but they will do everything they can, qua private
individuals, to retain their independence from group activity. When they
do act, they will be calculating many factors, and many of these will be
muddled with socioreligious indoctrination that will confuse their
motives, goals and ethics. But at root, their primal human instinct is to
avoid using the group (and therefore identifying with a group) to
implement a utopian group vision OVER themselves and others. They resist
this involvement, even to the point of avoiding resistance to tyranny by
involving themselves actively in a resistance against the tyranny (which
would, perforce, identify them with the rebels). They don't want to be in
EITHER camp, pushing this way or that. They want to remain private
individuals. If the group charades become too unbearable, they fight,
become victims, or emigrate. They
are not sheeple. Yet they are the main force through which tyranny gains
and increases a foothold (with the help of religion and other social
idealisms . . . utopianism). They are not followers; they are abstainers
– they are private individuals. As such, they are fundamentally opposed
to all -isms and to all utopian visions, liberty and tyranny alike. They
are outsiders, at root. They resent being forced to participate in the
group activities in a manner that is not part of the social parameters by
which they have calculated their private lives. It is more of a disruption
to participate, even resistively, than to adapt to the incremental
advances of tyranny. Are
they being logical? Probably not. On the other hand, in regard to a
primitive kind of individual integrity, they are being human at their
best. Yes, it is counterproductive. And it perpetuates the unholy cycle of
the abuses of history into the future. Bloody--perhaps enslaved--but still
unbowed. There is something primordial about this power: to resist group
alignment and participation even when the consequence will be slavery and
destruction. Those
who become dependent upon a group can and will be incited to reduce the
scope and to tax the lives of private individuals (virtually, to enslave
them). While the private individual, inherently, wishes all groups and
individuals to mind their own business, he is susceptible to supporting or
paying lip service to various group visions and methodologies (usually via
religion or patriotism). He may even regard certain positions of authority
in his society as esteemed, whether of priest, doctor, lawyer, educator or
politico, and thus give an undue respect to people in these positions, or
give goodwill to those who aspire to such positions. Over time, such
status attracts more people to become involved with and dependent upon the
group. It is in these matters, at this stage, that philosophy is pivotal
(and religion is philosophy; as is institutional education). Later, when
the tide turns and the bulk of the group-dependent visionaries overpower
the private individuals, then philosophy is too late. By that point, the
private individual has become even more philosophy-averse as the affects
of "philosophy" are all around him, holding knives at his
throat. The
private individual is willful. One could say he is "like" an
obstinate child. An adult, though acting "like" a child. In
truth, however, he retains in his core, the same, unchanged will that he
was born with. The private individual was never tamed. He acquired surface
civility and a respect for others. He did not "give over" his
will to a group, to society, or to religion. He is still playing a private
game as a free agent. It is a hallmark of his obstinacy that he will never
"give over" his core independence to any group, however much his
freedom of action may be whittled away by others, and this includes groups
of resistance to the very tyranny that reduces his freedom. He
would rather die than bow. Extremely counterproductive. Yet he was born
with a will, and he will NOT give that up. Rather die first. Rather be a
slave first. Rather anything than give up his will. It is not rational or
conscious. It is not who he is. It is WHAT he is. It is his very humanity.
His soul. It is this analysis that Orwell's 1984
attempted. It is this formulation that Nietzsche’s Will to Power labored over. This is the quiet contemplation
of Thoreau's Walden.
It is the primary stumbling block of every utopian visionary. Slavery,
war, poverty, religion, indoctrination camps and complete totalitarian
regimes break as waves upon this beachhead, which will not give way. Ever. Howsoever
thorough our indoctrination, we retain a will. It is an individual,
unsocial and unrational quality. Would that the fighters for freedom could
harness the power of that will, but they never will. It is not in its
nature to be harnessed, only to resist being harnessed – by anyone,
friend or foe. Back
in the late 1970s, after a brief encounter of a few years, I turned away
from the libertarian movement as one that was inherently flawed,
specifically in its utopianism and methodology. When I wrote my books in
the 1990s, it was for a mainstream audience. When it came to publishing
them, I discovered that they needed to be targeted to a libertarian
audience, and I found myself, again, in the midst of utopians, unsavory by
their very existence. The
problem with philosophy is that it is often – usually – too little,
too late. There is no market for such stuff in our present epoch.
Individuals will find their own path. The philosophers have never been
good at defining a path (for others), only with demonstrating the process
through their own efforts. It is not what a philosopher says that has any
import, only that he made the effort of formulating his understanding upon
his own motivation. Do not follow any philosopher’s conclusions; emulate
them – i.e., think for yourself. In
perusing my credits, below, you will note various books and websites. In
the pursuit of liberty, these are, as public ventures, rather beside the
point. At one point, I thought to share them with others. In the
meanwhile, they have derailed my private life unpleasantly. The book biz
will not last through the end of the present year; the websites will not
last through the end of the following year. And my participation in the
freedom "movement" will, for a second time in my life, cease.
Hopefully, I have learned the value of being a private individual. I am
too willful to be otherwise. I have nothing in common with others, aside
from being as different from them as they are from anyone else (but
knowing it). I do not have a common cause with anyone, not even being
free. And the idea of subordinating my will to a group such as to regain,
retain or proclaim my sovereign will is such a winsome contradiction it
makes me smile, though ruefully. To
the utopian visionaries – of any composition – I have this to say: I
was not made that way, nor was any other human being ever born upon this
planet. And you will bash your efforts against us in utter futility for
the rest of eternity, because human beings will never change. Do your
worst or do your best . . . we will still be there the next morning, as
incorrigible as ever. "I
came into this world, not chiefly to make this a good place to live in,
but to live in it, be it good or bad." [Henry D. Thoreau, On the Duty
of Civil Disobedience] discuss this column in the forum Richard Rieben is a world traveler, house remodeler, and sometime author and philosopher. The thesis of his manifesto, Reciprocia, is, briefly: “Sovereignty is the base; reciprocity defines how to make it work.” Aside from harping incessantly on the theme of liberty, he leads a fairly normal life in middle America, where he scouts for silver-linings. His internet articles are featured at TakeLiberty.com. Comments may be e-mailed to: declarlib [at] yahoo.com. |