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The Separation of Property and State I
have been discussing politics and economics with some left-libertarian
anarchists, including STR’s very own controversial writer, Bill
Anderson, and have come to the conclusion that a lot of the dialogue
between so-called anarcho-capitalists and so-called anarcho-socialists is
muddled by semantics and arguments over nothing. The
anarcho-socialists oppose private property, but they support “personal
possessions.” They support free markets but oppose capitalism. This
might all seem like a contradiction, and, indeed, many self-described
left-anarchists are not anarchists at all, and do seek to use
institutionalized coercion to attack economic freedom. But many other
left-anarchists do in fact seek a voluntary society, free of coercion and
without a state. They think that private property, as they define it, is a
creature of the state, without which the economy would be freer, more
just, and more favorable toward the interests of the working class. Much
of the argument has to do with economic theory. Libertarians like me
believe in property, and believe that in the absence of a state, there
would still be lots of thriving business. I believe that the only economic
system known to humankind that is compatible with freedom and anarchy is
indeed laissez-faire free markets. It’s hard to know how hierarchical
things would look, but I would imagine a free economy would be more
decentralized and “democratic,” – at least the way the anarchist
left favorably defines the term – and yet have plenty of managers. There
would be lots of big businesses, but not as much Big Business. Libertarians
seek civilization without state coercion. Regardless of how things would
look in a free society, we do not support the use of the state to mold it
to our liking. To
nail down the case for the right to property, economic liberty, and market
anarchy, it is useful to look at the issue of religion. There are a number
of STR writers who do not like religion much, and consider it an
essentially statist institution, which either depends on or mimics the
processes and mechanisms of a state. There might be some truth to this,
especially historically, but it is interesting that not nearly the same
controversy emerges when this point is made as when someone draws similar
parallels between corporations and the state. Both “capitalism” – an economic system based on private property and usually characterized by a significant accumulation of capital in the hands of capitalists – and religion exist. They will continue to exist. People like religion, they like business, and libertarians who dislike religion or big business cannot honestly dispute this. Such institutions will almost certainly continue to exist, even in arguably exploitative and anti-individual forms, with or without a state. The
real question for libertarians should be whether or not any
institution or social arrangement – whether a church, a business, a
family or a sexual relationship – should be mixed with the coercive
state apparatus, and indeed whether it is ever justified to initiate force
to modify, abolish or defend these arrangements. I say no. Now,
of course, left-anarchists will argue that private property inherently
entails coercion, or something essentially as bad. Anti-religion
libertarians might make the same point about churches. But
there is a difference between the “exploitation” one might suffer
under a factory owner, or a religious cleric, or a bossy girlfriend, and force. Force
is the use of violence and
threat of violence. The left-anarchists think that since private property
must be defended by force, it is a coercive construct of society. But lots
of things might be defended by force – one’s freedom from being raped,
for example – which no self-described libertarian, anarchist, or humane
human being would ever say is not in the right of a potential victim to
use. Even libertarian pacifists who eschew the use of force would not deny
the right to use it in
self-defense. So
whether or not property is defended by force does not quite get to the
heart of the matter. If, on the other hand, property must be obtained
through force, then of course all libertarians agree that we have a
problem. Property
does not need to be obtained through force. In fact, left-anarchists would
probably agree that this is true of personal property, which they call
personal possessions. But where do we draw the line? If
left-anarchists make the distinction between rightfully held personal
possessions and statist private property simply by saying the latter is
coercive or state-supported, we’re back where we started. So
left-anarchists often fall back on the labor theory of value in order to
determine whether something is rightfully owned or not. Aside from the
epistemological and economic problems with labor theory, there are
numerous practical ones. If
labor is the source of all wealth, then virtually every American is an
exploiter. We live in a rich country, where some of the poorest own more
than the wealth owned by the average, even relatively wealthy, people on
earth. If all the wealth in the world was created by labor, with its
amount of value dependent upon it, then anyone who works 40 hours in Now,
putting aside economic theory and property rights, why would anarchists
not support the redistribution of wealth on a global scale? Almost anyone
knows this wouldn’t work, it would lead to disaster, and it would
facilitate the emergence of totalitarian government. If private property
can be said to have some statist qualities to it, pure economic
egalitarianism, if taken as a value above all else and pursued
governmentally, contains the seeds for the total state. The
real question is whether or not someone supports the initiation of force
to change society. Libertarians do not. If a left-libertarian believes
that the abolition of a state would lead to the peaceful abolition of
private property, I can respectfully disagree but not take too much
offense, any more than I would if someone said that without a state there
would be no religion, more religion, more traditional families, or no
families at all. If you support the use of state aggression to get where
you think anarchy would bring us – the way Marxists do – you are not
an anarchist. If you oppose such aggression, you are an anarchist,
regardless of your understanding or misunderstanding of economics. Whether
you believe in private property or think of it as a demented construct,
the total separation of property and state is the way to minimize
exploitation and maximize the good of the people. Whether you think
property would thrive or sink without the state, a true anarchist would
advocate their separation. We don’t know exactly what society would look
like, but all anarchists would welcome the change. If you would use the
state or force to create capitalism in a communal society, or to build
communalism in a capitalist one, you are not an anarchist or a
libertarian, and you indeed can be said to value something more than
freedom, choice and peace. Now,
to see if a left-anarchist is really an anarchist, it comes down to this:
if, in an anarchist society, businesses emerged, people decided to trade,
including their labor, and it became clear that these markets, however
hierarchical, existed not because of state enforcement but because of the
voluntarily pursued preference of the individuals involved – regardless
of how exploited you considered the workers to be and regardless of the
attractive voluntary communalism that would also supposedly emerge –
would you advocate the initiation force to stop it? If so, you are not an
anarchist, any more than an atheist who advocates the forced abolition of
religion is an anarchist. To see if an “anarcho-capitalist” is really
an anarchist, a similar test can be used: would you use a state to create
capitalism where none before existed? If so, you are not an anarchist, any
more than a theist who advocates theocracy. In
short, if your idea of economic justice requires aggressive force to
maintain, then you aren’t an anarchist, and your idea of economic
justice stinks. All
anarchists should be able to agree on that. And if you agree with that, I
am happy to consider you an ally against the state, no matter how
superstitious and unfounded I may find your economic theories. I hope the
left-anarchists can extend the same courtesy and solidarity to me. discuss
this column in the forum Anthony Gregory is a writer and musician living in Berkeley, California. He earned his bachelor’s degree in history at UC Berkeley, where he was president of the Cal Libertarians. He is a research assistant at the Independent Institute, a policy advisor for The Future of Freedom Foundation, a guest editor of Strike The Root, and a contributor to Rational Review, LewRockwell.com, Antiwar.com, The Libertarian Enterprise, and Liberty Magazine. See his webpage, AnthonyGregory.com.
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