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The
Story of the Fed Is a Story of a Crime
by George F. Smith
“The
magnitude by which [the reality of the Federal Reserve] deviates from
the accepted myth,” writes G. Edward Griffin, “is so great that, for
most people, it simply is beyond credibility.” But as he makes
abundantly clear in his landmark book, The
Creature From Jekyll Island, now in its fourth edition, the case
against the Fed is overwhelming. [1]
Creature, as Griffin explains, is four books in one: a
crash-course in money and banking; a history of central banking in
America; a discussion of the Fed itself and its role in American and
world affairs; and finally, a detailed look at how the Fed and other
central banks become “catalysts for war.”
Without central banking, much of the carnage of the past 90 years would
not have been possible.
In November 1910, seven men representing roughly one-fourth of the
world’s wealth took a clandestine train ride from New Jersey to a
resort on Jekyll Island, Georgia, ostensibly to hunt ducks. But
instead of shooting birds, they shot us the bird and drew up plans for a
cartel, which served as the blueprint for the Federal Reserve Act of
1913.
For years, most people left the Jekyll Island tale for the fringe that
loves conspiracy theories. But gradually the story leaked out,
beginning with an article by B. C. Forbes, the future founder of Forbes
magazine, in Leslie’s Weekly in 1916. Following discussions
with Paul Warburg, the Fed’s chief architect and one of the Jekyll
attendees, Forbes confirmed the trip in his opening paragraphs. [9]
Later writers, including some of those in attendance at Jekyll Island,
corroborated Forbes’ story.
Why did they want a cartel? So they could practice fractional
reserve banking with impunity, while shifting the negative consequences
to the public. [2]
The American people, of course, have been handed a thoroughly scrubbed
version of the Fed: It exists to stabilize the economy and protect the
public. Never mind the crashes in ’21 and ’29, the Great
Depression from ’29 to ’39, recessions in ’53, ’57, ’69, ’75
and ’81, another crash in ’87, a bear market in 2000 that wiped out
$7 trillion in stock market wealth by 2003, and constant inflation
eating away 95% of the buying power of the dollar.
As economist Antony Sutton noted, “Warburg’s revolutionary plan to
get American society to go to work for Wall Street was astonishingly
simple . . . . The Federal Reserve System is a legal private monopoly of
the money supply operated for the benefit of the few under the guise of
protecting and promoting the public interest.”
Griffin is detailed and clear about how the Fed works. In the old
days, when governments wanted more money but were afraid to increase
taxes, they printed it and forced citizens to accept it by making it
legal tender. It was too crude a scheme to fool most people, but
now, with modern central banking, the theft is virtually imperceptible.
First, government doesn’t create money directly; its central bank
does. Second, the bank rarely needs to turn to the printing
presses. Instead, it often buys government debt, such as bonds, by
writing a check. “There is no money to back up this
check,” Griffin explains. “By calling those bonds ‘reserves,’
the Fed then uses them as the base for creating nine additional dollars
for every dollar created for the bonds themselves. The money
created for the bonds is spent by the government, whereas the money
created on top of those bonds is the source of all the bank loans made
to the nation’s businesses and individuals . . . .
“The bottom line is that Congress and the banking cartel have entered
into a partnership in which the cartel has the privilege of collecting
interest on money which it creates out of nothing . . . . Congress, on
the other hand, has access to unlimited funding without having to tell
the voters their taxes are being raised through the process of
inflation.”
What might government do with such “unlimited funding”?
As Murray Rothbard has noted, the country had been in recession during
1913 and 1914 – high unemployment, with many factories operating at
only 60% capacity. The Morgan empire in particular had been
losing money in railroads and had lost out to Kuhn-Loeb in the market
for industrial finance. [3]
The Morgans had always been closely connected to the Rothschild
financial empire in Europe. When war in Europe broke out, the
House of Morgan, in partnership with the Rothschilds, became the
American sales agent for English and French war bonds. When the
money came back to the States to acquire war-related materials, it was
funneled through Morgan as the U.S. purchase agent. From 1915 to
1917, J. P. Morgan arranged for $3 billion in exports to France and
England, earning a commission of $30 million. [4] As historian
Thomas Fleming has dryly noted, the U.S. became a branch of the British
armament industry during the first 32 months of its neutrality. [5]
But it was a precarious feast. If the Allies should lose, American
investors would sustain huge losses and Morgan’s business would
nosedive. Getting the U.S. into the war would extend the financial
windfall, but the American public opposed involvement by ten to one.
In May 1915, the British passenger ship Lusitania gave war hopefuls a
much-needed boost. Nearly 1,200 passengers, including 128
Americans, lost their lives when a German U-boat torpedoed it off the
coast of Ireland. With its hold stuffed with U.S. munitions
contraband, the Lusitania exploded a second time and sank in less than
18 minutes. As Griffin documents meticulously, British and
American officials did everything in their power to make Lusitania a
sitting duck.
With Morgan-controlled newspapers beating the drums for American
participation, Wilson finally got his war on April 16, 1917. Eight
days later, Congress extended $1 billion in credit to the Allies.
The British took their initial advance of $200 million and paid it to
Morgan. When they ran up an overdraft of $400 million three months
later, Morgan turned to the U.S. Treasury for help. Treasury Secretary
William McAdoo stalled until Benjamin Strong, the Fed’s main man, came
to his rescue and paid Morgan piecemeal during 1917 - 1918. Where
did Strong get the money? He simply created it.
The income tax, also enacted in 1913, raised $1 billion during World War
I. [6] But 70% of the cost of the war came from inflation, through
a doubling of the money supply. As Rothbard understates, “For
those who believe that U.S. entry into World War I was one of the most
disastrous events . . . in the Twentieth Century, the facilitating of
U.S. entry into the war is scarcely a major point in favor of the
Federal Reserve.” [7] In addition to grabbing wealth through
direct taxes, government, in collusion with the Fed, took roughly
one-half of the people’s savings from 1915 – 1920. It also
took the lives of nearly a half-million Americans for a war they never
wanted. [8]
In his 1919 book, The Economic Consequences of the Peace, John
Maynard Keynes wrote that by “a continuing process of inflation,
governments can confiscate, secretly and unobserved, an important part
of the wealth of their citizens . . . and, while the process
impoverishes many, it actually enriches some . . . . The process engages
all the hidden forces of economic law on the side of destruction, and
does it in a manner which not one man in a million is able to
diagnose.” [9]
Griffin lifts the curtain on the Fed’s operations and exposes it for
what it is: a counterfeiting cartel in partnership with government
soaking the blood and treasure of our country.
1
Griffin, G. Edward, The Creature From Jekyll Island: A Second Look at
the Federal Reserve (4th edition), American Media, Westlake Village,
California, 2002. See here
for ordering information. Unless otherwise noted, all quotes are
from Creature.
2 Murray Rothbard wrote extensively on money and banking. See “Fractional
Reserve Banking”
3
Rothbard, Murry N., Wall Street, Banks, and American Foreign Policy,
Rothbard-Rockwell Report, The Center for Libertarian Studies, Inc.,
Burlingame, CA, 1995. PP. 15, 16
4 To convert these amounts to current dollars, see the
inflation calculator
5 Dwyer, John J., “The
United States and World War I,” 1/26/2004
6 Richman, Sheldon, Your Money or Your Life: Why We Must Abolish the
Income Tax, The Future of Freedom Foundation, Fairfax, VA, 1999. P.
81
7 Rothbard, Murray N., The Case Against the Fed, Ludwig von Mises
Institute, Auburn, AL, 1994. P. 120
8 Dwyer, John J., “The
United States and World War I,” 1/26/2004
9 Keynes, John Maynard, The
Economic Consequences of the Peace, 1919, Chapter 6.
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