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Minerva, Chapter 26 by Bob Murphy The
attack needed to be handled delicately; done right, it could be turned to
their advantage. But it could
just as easily blow up in their faces in November.
Initially, the plan had been to let The
first priority, of course, was to firmly place the blame on Greene.
It had been Republicans who sold out the piss-poor natives to big business;
that’s how the catastrophe got started in the first place.
Nonetheless, the voters were nothing if not forgetful: there were
plenty of people who would vote against an incumbent just because the
country had been attacked during his watch. “So
what are you telling me, General?” Black interrupted.
“We can’t do anything for two months?” “Well,”
Riggs said, a bit flustered, “I wouldn’t put it like that, Mr. Vice President. My
men are working furiously to
revamp our systems—” “Right
right, because the Tomahawks are supposed to be satellite-guided,” Black
interrupted yet again. “Can
we just lob a few over there anyway, in the meantime?” As
Democrats, the president and Black had to take great pains to appear
strong on national security. The
voters would give a Nixon or a Reagan time to develop a proper
counterattack, but not the current administration. “Well,”
Riggs said, afraid of another interruption, “we certainly could, but we’d be just as likely to hit a hospital as an
airfield. I’m not sure how
that would play on the BBC.” Holy
shit did Black hate generals! “Thank
you for the extemporaneous analysis, General Riggs, but the way these
things work, you answer my technical questions, and I and the president
will worry about the media.” Black
took a moment to think. Riggs
was right; the only thing possibly worse than doing nothing was to kill a
bunch of school kids with an errant bomb. Black
decided that this situation was serious.
The last thing in the world he needed was to inherit a war in his
own first term. He therefore
had to start from scratch, and truly understand the situation.
And that meant
challenging the corner into which the Pentagon wizards had painted
themselves. “Let’s
back up a moment,” Black finally said.
“I understand why we don’t just land Marines . . . these
sadists aren’t afraid to blow off teenagers’ kneecaps.
And yes, General Riggs, that wouldn’t look good on the “But
we’re talking about two tiny islands, right?
Can’t we just set up a perimeter of ships and starve them out?” Black
was getting excited about his idea; it would be like a medieval siege. “Well,
that’s basically what we have been
doing, Mr. Vice President.” Riggs
chose his words carefully. “But
the islands actually have fairly sophisticated submarines and missile
systems. We’ve reached a
sort of equilibrium with them, where we don’t press too close, and they
don’t interfere when we seize a merchant ship.” “So
what you’re saying,” Black summarized, “is that the diameter of our
perimeter is really big, and what should be a blockade is really a
sieve?” “Yes,”
Riggs answered. “How
many people are on these islands?” Black asked after a moment of
thought. Riggs
opened his mouth but did not speak. “For
permanent residents on both Minerva and Lotos,” Ryan Miller volunteered,
“our best guess is 1,370,000. But
now that the aerial and naval blockade has been disrupted, the actual
number of people on the islands at any one time will be significantly
higher, since there are hundreds of thousands who ‘commute’ to work
there.” “Okay,”
Black said, thinking. “So
now can you please tell me,” Black asked Miller, “why we’re having
so much trouble? If I’m not
mistaken, “With
all due respect, Mr. Vice President,” Miller answered, “that’s not
the best comparison. Minerva
is not a typical city. To give
you a simple example, they don’t have any mechanism for combating
inflation. So speculators can
drive the price of essential items up during a blockade, and there are no
laws to stop this. Now, it may
not be good for their economy as a whole, but it definitely keeps
thousands of smugglers around the world risking their lives to supply the
islands. With any other
country, General Riggs’ blockade would have brought them to their knees
months ago.” “That’s
right,” Riggs said. This
Miller wasn’t so naïve after all. “Keep
talking,” Black said. “We
can’t freeze their assets, since they rival “Okay,”
Black said. “So they have
inflation and pesos. That
doesn’t tell me why our Navy doesn’t move in.” Miller
paused for a moment to let Riggs answer, but saw that the vice president
was still looking squarely at him. “Well,”
Miller began, “it’s my understanding that the Minervan fighter jets
are equipped with superior air-to-air missiles.
It’s not clear how our Navy fighters would fare in a dogfight
situation. Up till now, our
ships and patrol aircraft have respected a 200-kilometer radius from the
islands. Their own defensive
patrols, as well as informal communications with us, suggest that, at
least for now, the Minervans are content to give us that.
We have reason to believe, though, that they would retaliate with
force if we pressed much harder.” “Fine,”
Black said, “so we keep 200 kilometers away.
How many miles is that?” he asked. “Around
125,” someone answered. “Okay,”
Black continued, “so we keep our boys 125 miles off the coast.
I still don’t see why we don’t surround them and starve
them.” “It’s
a question of resources, Mr. Vice President,” Riggs said.
Black continued to look at Miller. “What
the general is referring to,” Miller explained, “is that there’s a
lot of ocean to cover. Since
the smugglers are generally using ships faster than our frigates, we
actually have to set up a perimeter around 150 miles out, in order to give
ourselves room to stop a runner when we spot him.
So right there, that’s almost a thousand miles to cover.
We’ve currently got two carrier groups, one on the east and one
on the west side of the island. But
again, you have to understand the tremendous advantage their control of
the satellites gives them. They
can watch our ships and patrol planes in real time.
Even when we stop a ship, there are fifteen others slipping through
the gaps created when we converge.” “And
why is it,” Black inquired, “that smugglers have faster ships than the
United States Navy?” “They’re
not all faster,” Riggs
offered. “But over the years
they’ve gotten much better. And
they don’t load them down, either. They’ll
send a dozen ships with light cargo rather than a standard merchantman.” Black
thought. “In
light of the new developments, there will be no difficulty in sending more
ships. What if we deployed two
more carriers, General? Could
you accomplish your mission then?” “We
would certainly intercept more vessels,” Riggs said.
“I would like to think that the islanders would realize they were
beaten, but who can say with people like this?” “What
do you think?” Black asked Miller. “Will
squeezing harder do the trick?” “Absolutely
not,” Miller responded without hesitation.
“They’d just shift to heavier air and submarine smuggling.
In fact, even if we dispensed with boarding, and just sank blockade
runners on sight, the island wouldn’t fall.” “And
why is that?” Black asked. He
was glad the boy had brought up the hindrance of boarding and seizing the
runners; that had been one of Black’s next questions. “They’re
largely self-sufficient in terms of necessities,” Miller said.
“They’ve got huge seafood farms, plenty of desalination plants,
and several nuclear reactors for power.
They don’t have many cars, and virtually no heavy industry, so
they don’t need much oil. I’ve
already mentioned that what they produce, they only need electricity,
computers, and their brains to make. They’re
also incredibly wealthy and ingenious; whatever else they truly need,
they’ll either pay to smuggle in, or they’ll invent a substitute.” “Makes
me wonder why we don’t all move there,” Black snorted.
This Miller sounded more and more like he was infatuated with the
enemy. Black had seen this
sort of thing before, especially in the Bureau.
Piss-broke agents would eavesdrop on mobsters for months,
monitoring their spending habits and the starlets they screwed, and end up
admiring them. It was
disgusting. “You
mentioned submarines,” Black recalled.
“Why don’t we send in twenty of them, have them surface off the
coast, and take out their airfields?” “Actually,
Mr. Vice President,” Riggs answered, “their airfields are separate
from the islands themselves. And
we have every reason to believe they’re heavily protected by minefields
as well as their own submarines.” “Let
me guess,” Black said, “their submarines are better than ours?” “Broadly
speaking,” Riggs said, obviously prepared to receive another insult,
“no sir, they are not. But
they do have sophisticated torpedo systems, and would be quite challenging
in combat.” “You
seem to have all the answers,” Black said, again looking at Miller.
“Please tell me why the United States Navy has to worry about the
submarines of some piss-ant island. How
much do we spend on our submarines?” “That
I can’t answer,” Miller said, “but you have to keep in mind, the only
thing the Minervan subs need to do, is detect attacking subs and fire
torpedoes at them. They
don’t need to go on six-month patrols to the “And
how do we know all this about their weapon systems?” Black asked.
He had grown quite suspicious of CIA “intelligence” during his
career. “Well,
we looked at their manufacturers’ brochures,” Miller answered, trying
not to chuckle. “There’s
no secret as to what we’re up
against; we just aren’t sure how many
items they’ve purchased.” “Well
then,” Black said, “if you’re telling me their missiles and
torpedoes are better than what we use now, why aren’t we buying from
them? I suppose because their
firms wouldn’t sell to the Pentagon?” “Actually,”
Miller answered, “it would certainly be possible to get any number of
units, perhaps through somewhat roundabout channels.
But the initial designs were made to be incompatible with Western
platforms.” “Plus,”
Riggs said with a hesitant smile, “it would look bad, buying from the
enemy.” And
also there wouldn’t be any kickbacks or consulting spots for the
generals, Black thought.
But the whole issue was moot, since Black doubted that the enemy
equipment really was superior. He
had learned that military planners were always full of reasons why
something couldn’t be done. “What
about our base on the bigger island?” Black asked after a few moments of
silence. “How many men do we
have there?” “We
still maintain about 500 Marines there, for peacekeeping purposes,”
Riggs answered. “And
nothing’s happened with them?” “So
far, nothing, Mr. Vice President. Of
course they’ve been on high alert since the attack on our space-based
resources, but, as I say, nothing has changed on the ground.” “You’re
supposed to be the expert on their ‘law’?” Black asked Miller, who
nodded. “What would happen
if we airlifted 50,000 troops onto the bigger island?” “Well,
where would you put them?” Miller asked.
“There’s not room at the current facility.
And when you say ‘airlift,’ do you mean booking a regular
flight, with passengers who just happen to be soldiers?
Or do you mean flying “I’m
not sure what I mean,” Black snapped, “since I don’t understand how
the fuck we got into this spot. Yesterday
Lympman has me speaking to seniors, and today I’m supposed to figure out
our response to a laser attack that nobody saw coming.” The
men squirmed as Black stared into space. “Okay
Miller,” he said, “let’s say we book plane tickets for our troops
into the country. What
happens?” “Well,
nothing, so long as they don’t have M-16s.
Those aren’t acceptable carry-ons.
But to answer your broader question, I don’t think anything would
happen until our troops actually broke laws.
Of course, if it came down to shooting, they’d be completely
surrounded, and we couldn’t supply them.” Black
thought. “What
do you recommend we do?” he asked Miller. “Condemn
the attacks in the harshest possible terms, seek financial redress in the
Minervan courts, and remind the world of the continued violation of U.N.
resolutions. Wait a few
months, then cite the hardships on the Minervan children as we phase out
the blockade, limiting it only to weapons and narcotics.” “That’s
not going to happen,” Black informed Miller.
“What’s your second recommendation?” “Nuke
them,” Miller said immediately. The
men were startled. “Oh?”
Black said, a smile curling on his lips.
Perhaps this Miller had some balls after all. “It’s
the same as playing at the casino,” Miller elaborated.
“Given that you can’t win in the long run, and given that you
have to play at all, then the only thing to do is bet it all on one
hand.” “And
why can’t we win in the long run?” General Riggs demanded.
It was true, they couldn’t win with their hands tied, but these
piddly islands were a far cry from “What
do you expect them to do?” Miller asked.
“Do you really think all of their banks will volunteer customer
records to the U.N.? Do you
really think their laboratories will allow inspectors to walk in?
Even if the public wanted it, there isn’t any group that can
surrender.” “Didn’t
you miss the Lotosian fall?” Riggs pointed out. “Yes,
I failed to predict that,” Miller admitted. Black
sat back and thought. Now that
he understood much better, he was intrigued by the whole situation. discuss this column in the forum Bob Murphy has a Ph.D. in economics from New York University. He is the author of Chaos Theory and has a personal website. |