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I'm
OK, You're Despicable
by John
Markley
This is an article about arrogance. In a great many cases that I
have observed, a person’s support for this or that government control
seems to stem from the belief that the great majority of people are, in
one way or another, utterly depraved. However, the advocate of the control
will always, without exception, refrain from including himself among those
who need the law to be forced into decency. Though the masses are
invariably swine who need a boot kept on their collective neck, the
advocate of government control is just as invariably an exception, one of
the noble few.
Now,
obviously, this is not the only reason people support these ideas--flaws
in reasoning, bad ideology and philosophy, radically different starting
premises, and sheer ignorance certainly play their role.
Nevertheless, the role of arrogance and the appeal of having a
reason to believe yourself better than everyone else has, I think, been
greatly neglected, and it can be highly useful to understand the
often-hidden premises behind political arguments. Its most common
appearances seem to be among the religious Right and the far Left, which
may explain why both groups seem to have the same air of almost palpable
smugness, although it sometimes appears elsewhere, too.
Causality
in this case probably runs both ways. On the one hand, those who already
have an inflated sense of self-worth are probably more likely to believe
that they ought to be deciding what other people do. On the other hand, if
you are looking for a set of beliefs that will make you feel good
yourself, an ideology that tells you that the masses are evil and must be
dominated is a perfect fit, since if you recognize this you are presumably
different than and above those evil masses.
Drug
laws are one example. One of the arguments made in support of keeping
drugs illegal, made quite frequently, is that without drug laws, huge
numbers of people will take up drug use, and huge swaths of the population
will become junkies, bringing society grinding to a halt.
This
argument seems convincing to some people because it has a grain of truth
to it. If the cost of using drugs--which, under prohibition, includes the
risk of prison, getting killed by a dealer, death from a tainted product
that wouldn’t have existed if drug producers were subject to normal
legal liability, etc.--is reduced, then some non-users currently on the
borderline will decide to become users. But to go from this to the
conclusion that ending prohibition would result in massive hard drug use,
despite all the evidence that would suggest such a thing to be
unlikely--the public’s widespread knowledge of their dangers, their
general social unacceptability, the fact that opium and cocaine were legal
in America for decades without creating a society of hardcore
junkies--requires either a severe breakdown in reasoning, or a deep
conviction that the bulk of your countrymen are depraved hedonists with no
sense of responsibility, or even basic common sense. The prohibitionist
never includes himself--he would no doubt be indignant if accused of
refraining from abandoning his family and job to become a junkie only
because the laws stop him from doing so, but he makes that accusation
against millions of others. This is not the only argument made in favor of
drug prohibition, but it is a depressingly common one, often made by
people who really ought to know better.
Another
example is gun control. When states started granting permits to carry
concealed weapons, it was frequently claimed by various pundits that
allowing people to carry guns would result in huge increases in violence,
“Dodge City”-style shootouts, and general Hobbesian chaos. No such
situation resulted, of course, and studies indicate that it may have
actually reduced the crime rate. The number of gun crimes committed by
permit holders was minute. The law only armed the law-abiding--criminals
willing to rob, rape, and kill are unlikely to respect laws concerning the
carrying of weapons, and the permits were given only to people without
criminal records.
Why,
then, were so many dire warnings made about an impending explosion of
criminal violence? Leaving aside those who adopted this belief because
they simply did not think about the issue, and simply responded, “Guns,
eww!”, it seems to reflect a belief that a large percentage of the
population consists of highly dangerous would-be killers, just waiting for
a chance to take a weapon out in public so they can wreak havoc. The
gun-controllers would, of course, swear up and down that they would never
want to commit an act of violence against an innocent person--and they
almost certainly wouldn’t, because the vast majority of people
wouldn’t--but their argument is based on the premise that a large
percentage of people would, if only they had the chance. Only the
enlightened few can be trusted to behave decently.
This
phenomena also appears among those who argue that allowing child labor in
the Third World (which has been a part of every economy since time
immemorial, and disappears when the country is rich and industrialized
enough for families to do without the income their children generate),
which is vital for families to survive in a primitive agricultural economy
or early industrial economy, would result in widespread exploitation of
children and denial of education that would be worse than the consequences
of depriving millions of children of their source of support, causing the
majority (or at least large segments) of the population to make child
labor a permanent part of the economy, and that allowing people in the
Third World to utilize this resource will doom them to a grim 19th
Century style existence, even after economic progress has made child labor
unnecessary, as happened in the West.
This ignores the
question: Who would be sending these children to work once families are
rich enough to do without their labor? The only people who could do this
in a free economy would be the parents. The anti-capitalist activist who
makes the claim that child labor must be forbidden to avoid this dire
fate, if asked whether he would make his own children work rather than
send them to school if there was no economic need to do so, would
indignantly reply that of course he would not, and he is almost certainly
telling the truth, because he loves his family and wants what is best for
them, like anybody else. Yet, based on his dire predictions, he clearly
believes that most other people would make their children continue
to work. He believes that it is only a small number of decent souls like
himself who actually care about their children, and that most people only
refrain from neglect and abuse of their own children because the laws
restrain them.
The
historical record contradicts this, since child labor was actually already
in great decline before child labor laws were passed. It was only because
of the great wealth produced by the industrial capitalist economy that it
became possible to dispense with child labor. Had child labor been stopped
early in the Industrial Revolution--or, even worse, during the
agricultural era--the result would have been mass poverty and starvation.
However, once it was no longer economically necessary for children to
work, parents stopped having them do so, because, contrary to their
fantasy, leftist activists are not the only decent people on Earth. It’s
also worth noting that the most notorious examples of child labor--the
jobs that really put child workers in danger of death or dismemberment on
the job--almost always involved not children who were working with the
permission of their parents, known as “free labor,” but what was
called “parish labor”--orphans in prison-like government-run
orphanages rented out by the government to politically connected
businessmen. It was these children, whose decisions were made by
government bureaucrats rather than their families, who got dangerous jobs,
and it was, ironically (but not surprisingly, considering statist
mendacity) the sufferings and tragedies inflicted on these young victims
of the government that is now blamed on the operations of the free market.
1
Leftist
claims about the supposed mass-scale Dickensian horrors that will
supposedly ensue if
Third World
children are not stripped
of their employment are simply nonsense, having nothing to do with reality
and everything to do with overwhelming pride and egotism. If everyone else
would ruthlessly exploit their own children, and you are of the select few
who would not, that’s a pretty good reason to feel good about yourself,
isn’t it? This is, in a sense, the most arrogant example of all--it
takes a pretty inflated self-regard to believe you care about the children
of the world more than their own parents do.
It is this sort of arrogance that helps fuel the supposedly “caring”
souls who demand that we be dominated by them for our own good.
The reality of these issues--that most people are
not psychotic criminals waiting to strike, that most people want the best
for their children, that most people refrain from spending their days
passed out from heroin because they know it’s dangerous and
irresponsible, not out of fear of prison--cannot penetrate the warm,
self-righteous glow that comes from the certainty that you’re vastly
better than everyone else.
1.
McElroy, “Legal Child Abuse,” The Free Market, Volume 19, Number 1
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